?^#l^ 


MEN  AND  WOMEN  OF  THE 
ITALIAN    REFORMATION 


'^tetie'e-  o-/  c^Yaiice.  ^  /trA^.j^  ry  '.  '^'(i>v;?^<^^. 


OCT-1  1914 

MEN  AND  WOMEN  ^-^^^^^^ 

OF  THE 

ITALIAN  REFORMATION 


BY  ^ 

CHRISTOPHER   HARE 

AUTHOR  OF 
"MAXIMILIAN      THE     DREAMER,"      "THE     ROMANCE     OF    A     MEDICI 
WARRIOR,"  "  A  PRINCESS  OF  THE  ITALIAN  REFORMATION,"  ETC.  ETC. 


WITH  7  ILLUSTRATIONS 
IN         PHOTOGRAVURE 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES   SCRIBNER'S    SONS 

153-157   FIFTH  AVENUE 


PRINTED   IN  GREAT   BRITAIN 


PeDtcateD 

TO 

ELIZABETH 


LIST    OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 

Renee  op  France,  Duchess  of  Ferrara     .         Frontispiece 

PACINQ  PAGE 

Cardinal  Pole 48 

PiETRO  Martire  Vermiqli  (Peter  Martyr)           .         .  80 

Jean  Calvin 112 

Vittoria  Colonna,  Marchesa  di  Pescara    .         .         .  144 

Fra  Bernardino  Ochino 224 

Giulia  Gonzaga,  Countess  of  Fondi  ....  240 


VI 


INTRODUCTION 

My  recent  book  on  "A  Princess  of  the  Italian  Refor- 
mation "  has  been  so  well  received  that  I  have  been 
encouraged  to  devote  myself  to  the  study  of  other 
men  and  women  of  the  Italian  Reformation ;  less 
highly  placed  than  my  Princess  Giulia  Gonzaga 
Colonna,  but  not  less  interesting. 

The  story  of  these  Italian  Protestants  has  proved 
most  absorbing ;  full  of  adventure,  of  heroic  deeds, 
and  too  often  of  tragedy.  We  see  the  most  highly 
gifted,  the  noblest  in  character  and  intellect  of  the 
sons  and  daughters  of  Italy  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
strongly  drawn  towards  the  doctrines  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. We  follow  them  one  by  one,  until  the  in- 
evitable moment  when  they  openly  proclaim  their 
new  belief ;  henceforth  they  are  marked  down  by 
the  Roman  Inquisition,  and  the  end  is  only  a  question 
of  time. 

We  watch  their  career  with  breathless  interest  as, 
filled  with  all  the  devotion  and  fortitude  of  the  early 
Christian  martyrs,  they  shew  forth  the  truth  in  their 
lives  and  seal  their  faith  undaunted  ;  in  the  flames 
of  the  Inquisition,  or  the  more  lingering  martyrdom 
of  lonely  exile  in  an  alien  land,  far  from  all  that 
makes  life  precious. 


CONTENTS 


PAOI 

LIST  OP  ILLUSTRATIONS Vi 

INTRODUCTION VU 


CHAPTER   I 

PRECURSORS  OF  THE   REFORMATION 

Precursors  of  the  Italian  Reformation — St.  Augustine — Francis  of 
Assisi — Dante — Catherine  of  Siena — Arnold  of  Brescia — Girolamo 
Savonarola,  etc. — Revolt  against  despotism — Freedom  of  thought 
— Value  of  the  printing  press — Influence — German  Literature — 
Adrian  VI — His  vain  efforts — Pressing  need  of  reform  within 
the  Church — Early  Italian  Reformers — Circles  of  religious  thought 
and  study  in  various  cities pp.  1-11 


CHAPTER   II 

"oratory  op  divine  love" 

The  "Oratory  of  Divine  Love"  in  Rome,  composed  of  distinguished 
Churchmen — Reform  within  the  Church  their  chief  aim — Hatred 
of  schism — Paul  III  forms  a  council  "  Consilium  de  emendano 
Ecclesia  " — Composed  of  Gaspero  Contarini,  Giacomo  Sadoleto, 
Giovan  Pietro  Caraffa,  Federigo  Fregosa,  Matteo  Giberti, 
Reginald  Pole,  Aleandro,  Archbishop  of  Brindisi — Life  of  Cardinal 

Contarini pp.  12-23 

is 


X  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   III 

CARDINALS   GIBERTI,   SADOLETO  AND   MORONE 

Life  of  Cardinal  Gian  Matteo  Giberti,  Bishop  of  Verona,  Papal  Datary 
— Life  of  Cardinal  Jacopo  Sadoleto,  Bishop  of  Carpentras — 
Life  of  Cardinal  Giovanni  Morone,  Bishop  of  Modena — Perse- 
cution of  the  Reformers  of  Modena — Dispersion  of  the  Academy 
of  Modena — Morone  made  Governor  of  Bologna — After  the  elec- 
tion of  Pope  Paul  IV,  he  was  sent  to  the  Council  of  Trent — He 
died  in  Rome  in  1680  .....     pp.  24-34 

CHAPTER   IV 

CARDINAL  POLE 

Life  of  Cardinal  Reginald  Pole,  of  the  Royal  House  of  England — His 
education  at  Padua — Persecution  of  his  family  by  Henry  VIII — 
Appointed  Governor  of  Viterbo — His  intimacy  there  with  Vittoria 
Colonna — Some  account  of  Vittoria — Influence  of  Ochino's 
teaching  upon  her — Her  poems       ....     pp.  35—44 

CHAPTER    V 

RELIGIOUS   CIRCLE   AT   VITERBO 

The  "Oratory  of  Divine  Love"  at  Viterbo — Cardinal  Pole — Vittoria 
Colonna — Marcantonio  Flaminio,  poet  and  philosopher — The 
"  Beneficio,"  a  little  golden  book — Life  of  Bernardino  Ochino — 
His  marvellous  preaching — His  persecution  and  flight — The 
effect  on  Pole  and  Vittoria  Colonna  .         .         .     pp.  45-58 

CHAPTER    VI 

CATERESTA  CIBO,    DUCHESS   OF   CAMERINO 

Caterina  Cibo,  Duchess  of  Camerino — Ochino  finds  a  refuge  in  her 
palace  at  Florence — Story  of  Caterina's  life — Early  marriage — 
Stormy  adventures — A  warrior  princess,  she  defends  her  home — 
Leaves  Camerino  to  her  daughter  Giulia,  married  to  Guidobaldo 
of  Urbino — Caterina  settles  in  Florence — An  earnest  Reformer — 
Her  religious  dialogues  with  Ochino         .         .         •     PP.  5&-72 


CONTENTS  xi 

CHAPTER   VII 

PETER  MARTYR  AND   OCHINO 

Story  of  Peter  Martyr  (Pietro  Martire  Vermigli) — Born  at  Florence — 
Enters  Augustinian  monastery  at  Fiesole  —  His  wonderful 
preaching — His  persecution  and  flight  with  Ochino  from  Italy — 
They  are  invited  to  England  by  Archbishop  Cranmer — Peter 
Martjn?  appointed  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Oxford — 
Ochino  made  Canon  of  Canterbury — They  leave  England  on 
Queen  Mary's  accession — Death  of  Martyr  and  of  Ochino 

pp.  73-84 

CHAPTER    VIII 

RENEE   OP   PRANCE 

Story  of  Renee  of  France — She  marries  Ercole  of  Ferrara — Splendid 
wedding — Literary  society  at  Ferrara — Ariosto,  Tasso,  Clement 
Marot,  etc.  —  Visit  to  Venice  —  Death  of  Duke  Alfonso  d'Este, 
1534 — And  of  Clement  VII — Duke  Ercole  opposes  the  spread  of 
Reform  at  Ferrara — Sends  away  some  of  his  wife's  friends — Her 
distress  ........     pp.  86-96 


CHAPTER   IX 

CALVIN   AND   HIS   VISIT   TO   FERRARA 

Life  of  Calvin — At  the  University  of  Paris — Marguerite  of  Navarre — 
His  patron — Writings  of  Calvin — "  Institution  Chr^tienne  " — 
Calvin  visits  Ferrara — Circle  of  Reformers  in  that  city — Clement 
Marot  translates  the  Psalms  into  French  verse — Prohibited  by 
the  Inquisition  ......     pp.  97-105 


CHAPTER    X 

THE   SORROWS   OP  RENEE 

The  sorrows  of  Ren^e — Visit  of  Vittoria  Colonna  to  Ferrara — Death 
of  Isabella  d'Este — Visit  of  Paul  III — He  gives  Ren6e  a  private 
Brief — Martyrdom  of  Fannio — Ren^e  imprisoned  and  persecuted 
by  Inquisitor — Her  unforeseen  release — Her  outward  conformity 
to  the  orthodox  ceremonies         ....     pp.  106-119 


xii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   XI 

RENEE   IN  FRANCE 

Election  of  Paul  IV — Renewed  persecution  at  Ferrara — Death  of 
Duke  Ercole — His  son  Alfonso  succeeds — Persecution  of  Renee 
— She  gives  up  her  home  and  family — Returns  to  France — 
Letters  of  Calvin  to  her — Her  life  at  Montargis — Terrible  Wars  of 
Religion  in  France — Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew-^Ren6e  receives 
the  Huguenot  refugees — Her  splendid  courage — Her  death  in 
1576 pp.  120-135 


CHAPTER    XII 

PIETRO   PAOLO   VERGERIO 

Pietro  Paolo  Vergerio,  Bishop  of  Capo  d'lstria — Educated  at  Padua — 
Sent  as  Nuncio  to  Germany — His  acquaintance  with  Marguerite 
of  Navarre  in  Paris — He  openly  joins  the  Reformers — His 
escape  to  the  Grisons — Becomes  Minister  of  Vicosoprano — Hia 
correspondence  and  friendship  with  Olympia  Morata — He  dies  at 
Tubingen  in  1565 pp.  138-147 


CHAPTER    XIII 

OLYMPIA   MORATA 

The  story  of  Olympia  Morata — Her  early  life  and  classical  education — 
Attains  wonderful  proficiency — Lectures  on  Cicero — At  the  Court 
of  Ferrara  as  teacher  of  Anna  d'Este — Her  friendship  with  Lavinia 
della  Rovere — Death  of  her  father,  Fulvio  Penegrino  Morato 

pp.  148-158 

CHAPTER    XIV 

OLYMPIA  MORATA  {continued) 

Trouble  and  persecution  for  Oljonpia  Morata — She  devotes  herself  to 
reUgious  study — Much  impressed  by  the  endurance  and  martyr- 
dom of  Fannio — Olympia  marries  Andrew  Gnmthler,  a  young 
German  physician — She  is  driven  to  leave  Ferrara — Travels  with 
her  husband  to  Augsburg — He  receives  an  appointment  in  his 
native  town  of  Schweinfurt         ....     pp.  169-169 


CONTENTS  xiii 

CHAPTER   XV 
OLYMPiA  MORATA  (continued) 

Life  of  Olympia  Morata  and  her  husband  at  Schweinfurtr— Her  literary 
work  and  education  of  her  brother  Emilio — Troubles  in  Germany 
concerning  the  "  Interim  "—News  of  fresh  persecution  at 
Ferrara/ — Olympia  translates  some  of  the  Psalms  into  Greek 
verse — Her  correspondence  with  Curione — War  in  Germany — 
Albert  of  Brandenburg  seizes  Schweinfurt — The  city  is  besieged 
by  other  great  nobles PP-  170-179 


CHAPTER    XVI 

MISFORTUNES   AND   DEATH   OF   OLYMPIA 

Siege  of  Schweinfurt — The  city  sacked  and  pillaged — Terrible  suffer- 
ings of  Olympia — Her  escape  to  Heidelberg  with  her  husband  and 
brother — Her  destitution  and  loss  of  her  library — Generosity  of 
her  friends — The  plague  at  Heidelberg — Devotion  of  Andrew 
Grunthler — Illness  and  death  of  Olympia  Morata — Her  wonderful 
writings — Memorial  hymn  to  her  memory — Death  of  Andrew 
Grunthler  and  the  young  Emilio  Morato     .         .     pp.  180-192 


CHAPTER   XVn 

OELIO   SECUNDO   CURIONE 

Life  of  Ceho  Secundo  Curione — At  the  University  of  Turin — Adopts 
the  Reformed  opinions — Taken  prisoner  on  his  way  to  Germany — 
Sent  to  a  monastery — His  escape  to  Milan — Life  at  Casale,  at 
Pavia,  and  Ferrara — Friendship  with  the  Morata  family — Com- 
pelled to  seek  refuge  at  Lausanne,  by  persecution — Works  of 
Curione — His  splendid  talent  and  scholarship — His  family — 
Tragic  losses— Death  of  Curione,  1569  ,         .         •     PP.  19^206 


xiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   XVIII 

AONIO   PALEARIO 

Life  of  Aonio  Paleario — Born  at  Veroli — Early  studies — Visits  Padua 
and  Perugia — Settles  at  Siena — His  eloquence  and  learned 
writings — Persecuted  at  Rome  for  his  opinions — Professor  at 
Lucca,  and  at  Milan — Condemned  by  the  Inquisition  ;  taken  to 
Rome,  where  he  suffered  martyrdom,  1570 — Attended  by  the 
Miserioordia — Letters  to  his  wife  and  children        .     pp.  207-218 


CHAPTER   XIX 

REFORMATION  AT  NAPLES 

The  Reformation  at  Naples — Circle  of  Juan  de  Valdes — His  earlier 
Life — His  writings — "  Mercurio  y  Caron  " — Brief  account  of 
Giulia  Gonzaga,  Countess  of  Pondi — The  influence  of  Valdes  on 
her  religious  faith — The  "  Alfabeta  Cristiano "  (Dialogues 
between  Valdes  and  Giulia) — She  devotes  her  life  to  works  of 
charity — Her  former  brilliant  literary  society  at  Fondi,  when 
Ariosto  and  Tasso  sang  her  praises         .         .         .     pp.  219-230 


CHAPTER   XX 

VALDis  AND   GIULL^i  GONZAGA 

The  religious  teaching  of  Valdes— His  devoted  circle  of  friends  at 
his  home  at  Chiaja — The  "Cento  e  dieci  Divine  Consideratione  " 
— They  were  highly  praised  by  Nicolas  Ferrer  and  George  Herbert 
— Valdes  dedicates  his  "  Studies  on  the  Epistles "  to  GiuJia 
Gonzaga — Vittoria  Colonna,  Costanza  d'Avalos,  Isabella  Brisegna 
and  other  noble  ladies  amongst  his  disciples — Death  of  Valdes, 
1641 — Various  letters  of  Giulia   .         .         .         .pp.  231-240 


CONTENTS  XV 

CHAPTER   XXI 

GIULIA   GONZAGA,   COUNTESS  OF  FONDI 

Giulia  Gonzaga  has  the  care  of  her  nephew  Vespasiano,  son  of  her 
brother  Luigi  (Rodomonte)  Gonzaga — Devotes  herself  to  his 
education  and  career — Vespasiano  enters  the  service  of  Charles  V, 
and  later  of  PhiUp  II— Attempt  to  force  the  Inquisition  on 
Naples  is  frustrated — Letters  of  GiuUa — Her  faiUng  health — 
Ippolita  Gonzaga — Death  of  Giula  Gonzaga,  1566  .     pp.  241-251 


CHAPTER    XXII 

GALEAZZO   CARACCIOLI 

Story  of  Galeazzo  Caraccioli,  a  young  noble  of  Naples — Influence  of 
the  teaching  of  Peter  Martyr — Galeazzo  studies  the  Reformed 
doctrines — He  resolves  to  forsake  his  native  land  and  his  family, 
and  travels  to  Geneva,  where  he  can  openly  confess  his  faith — 
Imploring  entreaties  from  his  father  and  his  wife — He  remains 
firm  to  the  end — Half  his  Ufe  spent  in  Geneva       .     pp.  252-262 


CHAPTER   XXIII 

PIETRO  CAENESECCHI 

Life  of  Pietro  Carnesecchi — Born  at  Florence — Clement  VII  invites 
him  to  Rome — A  brilliant  scholar — Sack  of  Rome,  1527 — Carne- 
secchi goes  to  Florence,  meets  Ochino,  and  later  at  Naples  is 
introduced  to  Valdes  by  Giulia  Gonzaga — Joins  the  Reformers, 
in  the  circle  of  Valdes  at  Naples — Meets  Vittoria  Colonna  and 
Cardinal  Pole  at  Viterbo — Visits  Venice,  the  centre  of  German 
literature — Meets  Caterina  Cibo  at  Florence — Summoned  before 
the  Inquisition,  but  released  by  Paul  III     .         .     pp.  263-276 


xvi  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER    XXIV 

CARNESECCHI  IN  PARIS 

Carnesecchi  goes  to  Paris — Meets  Marguerite  of  Navarre — Presents 
her  with  the  poems  of  Marcantonio  Flaminio — Paul  IV  threatens 
fresh  persecutions — Carnesecchi  tried  by  the  Inquisition — His 
constant  letters  to  Giulia  Gonzaga — She  advises  him  not  to  escape 
to  Geneva — Many  of  his  friends  in  the  prisons  of  the  Inquisition 

pp.  276-288 


CHAPTER   XXV 

CARNESECCHI — HIS  MARTYRDOM 

Death  of  Paul  IV — Revolt  in  Rome — The  people  storm  the  Inquisition, 
set  free  the  prisoners — Carnesecchi  remains  in  Rome  to  have 
his  sentence  reversed — Long  anxious  waiting — He  goes  to  Florence 
— On  the  accession  of  Pius  V  (Michele  Ghislieri),  Carnesecchi  is 
given  up  by  Cosimo,  Duke  of  Florence — He  is  taken  to  Rome, 
and  suffers  martyrdom — His  trial  by  the  Inquisition  ;  and  inci- 
dentally, all  his  friends   are  arraigned  for  heresy,  living  or  dead 

pp.  289-300 

CHIEF  AUTHORITIES  CONSULTED          .          .          •     PP-  301-304 
INDEX pp.  306-309 


MEN  AND  WOMEN  OF  THE 
ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

CHAPTER    I 

PRECURSORS   OF  THE   ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Precursors  of  the  Italian  Reformation — St.  Augustine — Francis  of 
Assisi — Dante — Catherine  of  Siena — Arnold  of  Brescia — Girolamo 
Savonarola,  etc. — Revolt  against  despotism — Freedom  of  thought 
— Value  of  the  printing  press — Influence  of  German  literature — 
Adrian  VI — His  vain  efforts — Pressing  need  of  reform  within 
the  Church — Early  Italian  Reformers — Circles  of  religious  thought 
and  study  in  various  cities. 

The  Reformation  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  in  Italy 
as  elsewhere,  was  born  from  the  combined  action  of 
spiritual  forces  and  of  the  new  intellectual  move- 
ment and  social  upheaval,  in  every  land  and  amongst 
men  of  every  degree.  This  great  awakening  of  the 
religious  spirit  was  no  new  thing  in  the  world's  history, 
for  the  Reformers  claimed  kindred  with  many  heralds 
and  precursors,  since  the  very  dawn  of  Christianity. 
Luther  boldly  asserted  this  truth  when  he  declared 
that  "  St.  Paul  and  St.  Augustine  had  been  Hussites." 
He  had  discovered  that  he  himself  was  a  Hussite,* 
without  knowing  it,  when  compelled  to  give  reasons 

^  John  Huss,  the  Bohemian  martyr,  who  preached  the  doctrines  of 
WycUffe  in  the  fourteenth  century.     A  friend  of  King  Wenceslaus  and 
his  Queen. 
1 


2  ITALIAN   REFOEMATION 

for  the  Faith  that  was  in  him,  at  that  momentous 
discussion  before  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  in  1518. 

Through  the  long  centuries  of  darkness  and  oppres- 
sion, we  see  the  torch  of  spiritual  and  evangelical 
teaching  handed  on  from  one  devout,  courageous 
teacher  to  another,  so  that  the  truth  was  never 
without  a  witness  upon  earth.  The  note  of  St. 
Paul's  doctrine  rings  through  the  writings  of  the 
earlier  Saints  and  Confessors,  mitil  we  hear  its 
echoes  in  St.  Augustine's  mystical  dream  of  an  ideal 
city  in  the  Heavens  :  "  De  Civitate  Dei."  In  that 
earnest  cry  to  God  :  "  Thou  hast  made  us  unto 
Thyself,  and  our  heart  is  restless  until  it  rests  in 
Thee,"  we  find  the  key-note  of  St.  Augustine's  "  Con- 
fessions." The  same  spiritual  idea  is  carried  out  as 
we  trace  the  inspiring  roll-call  of  that  noble  army  of 
the  early  mystics,  who  prepared  the  way  for  the  Refor- 
mation by  their  fiery  ardour  and  spiritual  devotion. 

Amongst  these  pioneers  of  a  purer  worship,  some 
names  have  for  us  an  undying  charm.  Take  St. 
Francis  of  Assisi,  at  once  the  holy  prophet  of  Umbria 
and  the  child-like  saint,  who  passed  like  a  ray  of 
sunshine  through  the  gloom  of  the  Middle  Ages 
and,  huTiself  the  very  soul  of  charity,  preached  a 
God  of  mercy  and  love. 

Or  again  Dante,  the  mystic  and  the  seer  ;  was 
there  ever  more  passionate  zeal  for  reform  than 
inspired  the  pilgrim  of  the  "  Divina  Commedia  "  ? 
Consumed  with  the  fiery  zeal  of  the  Ghibelline 
against  the  despotism  and  ambition  of  the  Church, 
he  leads  us  entranced  through  Hell  and  Purgatory 
and  Paradise,  ever  the  stern  denouncer  of  sin  and 
the  sweet  singer  of  the  joys  of  purity  and  holiness. 

In  the  next  century,   we  cannot  pass  over  the 


PKECURSORS  OF  THE  REFOEMATION  3 

gallant-hearted  St.  Catherine  of  Siena,  whose  passion 
for  encouraging  peace  upon  earth  was  as  great  as 
her  earnest  desire  for  a  complete  reform  of  the  Church. 
We  see  her  leading  a  life  of  devoted  self-sacrifice, 
winning  all  hearts  by  her  boundless  charity,  recon- 
ciling the  opposite  interests  of  fierce  faction  leaders, 
causing  wars  to  cease,  and  finally  leading  back  in 
triumph  a  Sovereign  Pontiff  to  his  duties  in  Rome. 
Amongst  the  precursors  of  the  Reformation,  men- 
tion must  be  made  of  the  splendid  work  done  by  a 
succession  of  pious  impassioned  preachers  through- 
out Italy,  such  as  Arnold  of  Brescia  in  the  twelfth 
century,  Giovanni  of  Vicenza  in  the  thirteenth, 
Giacoponi  di  Todi  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and  by 
San  Bernadino  of  Florence  in  the  fifteenth.  But 
last  and  perhaps  greatest  of  these  inspired  teachers 
of  pure  religion  was  Girolamo  Savonarola  (1452- 
1498).  His  story  is  so  well  known  that  I  will  merely 
touch  upon  his  marvellous  passion  and  eloquence, 
strengthened  by  that  magnetic  influence  which  has 
power  to  move  the  souls  of  men.  His  idea  of  the 
Church  was  mediseval,  his  theology  was  that  of 
Aquinas,  but  the  most  famous  humanists  of  Florence 
became  his  disciples.  Amongst  these  were  Pico 
della  Mirandola  (the  admirable  Crichton  of  his  day), 
who  had  "  sought  to  reconcile  the  dialectics  of 
Aristotle  with  the  oracles  of  Chaldea,"  and  Ficino 
of  the  Academy.  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent  sent  for 
the  Friar  to  minister  at  his  deathbed,  while  over 
the  masses  of  the  people  his  influence  spread  with 
the  overwhelming  force  of  a  great  revival.  Deeply 
ingrained  with  the  reforming  spirit,  he  boldly  de- 
nounced iniquity  in  high  places,  and  called  upon 
all  to  repent  and  serve  God,  in  spirit  and  in  truth. 


4  ITALIAN  KEFORMATION 

But  we  know  the  sad  end ;  how  his  wonderful 
career  ended  in  a  cruel  death,  and  the  people  whom 
he  had  sought  to  save  were  only  affected  for  a  time  ; 
his  standard  was  too  high  for  all  but  his  most  devout 
listeners.  As  Villari  says :  "  He  chiefly  helped 
Luther  by  giving  the  world  a  final  proof  that  it  was 
hopeless  to  hope  for  the  purification  of  an  Italian 
city."  But  all  the  earlier  mystics  of  thought,  and 
word,  and  deed,  had  done  their  work ;  and  when 
Luther  and  the  later  Reformers  added  the  authority 
and  guidance  of  the  Word  of  God  in  the  Bible,  and 
taught  with  St.  Paul :  "  Being  therefore  justified 
by  faith,  we  have  peace  in  God  "  ;  the  more  thought- 
ful and  earnest  of  the  modern  mystics  were  amongst 
the  first  to  embrace  the  new  doctrine.  Here  was 
the  guiding  truth  they  wanted,  which  mysticism 
alone  could  never  give. 

Moreover  on  all  sides  there  had  long  been  a  loosen- 
ing of  bonds  and  a  widening  of  horizons  ;  a  revolt 
against  despotism  which  would  learn  nothing,  and 
a  growth  of  enterprise  and  personality.  We  see  this 
very  clearly  with  regard  to  the  marvellous  beginning 
of  the  world's  exploration,  which  in  earlier  days  was 
crushed  as  much  as  possible  by  Papal  opposition. 
Thus  the  doctrine  of  the  "  Antipodes  "  was  held  to 
be  a  damnable  heresy,  and  Pope  Zacharias  declared 
it  "  perverse  and  iniquitous."  Peter  of  Abano  was 
condemned  by  the  Inquisition  in  1316,  and  a  few 
years  later  Cecco  d'Ascoli  was  burned  alive  in 
Florence,  both  partly  on  account  of  their  belief  in 
the  "  Antipodes."  But  later  on,  when  Columbus 
and  other  great  explorers  had  proved  all  that  the 
Church  so  emphatically  denied — the  shape  of  the 
earth,  the  races  living  where  theologians  had  asserted 


PRECURSORS  OF  THE  REFORMATION  5 

that  none  could  live  .  .  .  the  prestige  of  the  Pope's 
omniscience  was  severely  shaken,  and  the  minds  of 
men  were  quickened  by  the  dream  of  vast  possibili- 
ties. It  was  the  same  with  regard  to  the  astronomical 
theories  of  Copernicus,  and  of  Galileo,  who  died  a 
prisoner  of  the  Inquisition  ;  but  truth  was  destined 
to  spread  and  prevail,  and  set  the  world  free  from 
the  heaviest  fetters  of  superstition. 

But  the  "  most  formidable  instrument  of  modern 
reason,"  as  Symonds  calls  it,  was  undoubtedly  the 
Printing  Press,  invented  about  the  middle  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  and  made  really  effective  by  the 
coincidence  of  cheap  paper  being  first  available. 
This  has  been  called  the  greatest  event  in  history, 
and  it  is  impossible  to  over-state  its  importance. 
Knowledge  was  no  longer  the  property  of  the  favoured 
few ;  the  art  of  printing  spread  the  wisdom  of  the 
past  and  the  most  advanced  ideas  of  the  present 
broadcast  throughout  the  world.  It  turned  a  mere 
discussion  amongst  scholars  at  Wittenberg  into  a 
revolution  which  shook  the  Church  of  Rome  to  its 
very  foundations.  The  printing  press  diffused 
throughout  Europe  innumerable  copies  of  the 
Bible,  without  which  the  Protestant  movement  of 
the  sixteenth  century  could  never  have  met  with 
success. 

There  were  many  reasons  why  the  first  awakening 
of  the  Reformation  should  take  place  in  Northern 
Europe,  where  the  influence  of  the  Renaissance 
had  been  chiefly  confined  to  Theology  and  scholastic 
Philosophy.  In  Germany  the  free  towns  of  the 
twelfth  century  had  long  been  homes  of  civil  and 
intellectual  liberty,  and  the  democratic  spirit  had 
conduced  to  a  robust  temper,  and  independent  mind 


6  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

hostile  to  sacerdotalism.  The  conditions  in  Italy 
were  far  less  favourable  to  freedom  of  mind  or  body. 
When  the  earnest  religious  movement  of  the  North 
spread  across  the  Alps,  it  was  at  first  looked  upon 
by  the  humanists  of  the  Italian  Renaissance — such  as 
the  dilettanti  of  Florence — as  a  mysterious  barbaric 
force,  and  the  eternal  conflict  was  renewed  between 
the  man  of  faith  who  lived  for  the  future,  and  the 
man  of  taste  who  lived  for  the  past. 

Still,  the  intercourse  between  Italy  and  Germany 
was  very  close,  and  the  demand  for  liberty  of  opinion 
was  felt  by  both  countries,  while  the  need  for  Reform 
became  everywhere  a  growing  conviction. 

But  Christian  zeal  might  conquer  Pagan  culture, 
and  it  often  chanced  that  the  highly  strung  devotee 
of  the  Classical  Renaissance  who  came  to  criticise 
the  new  teaching,  remained  to  cast  down  his  pride, 
in  lowly  prayer.  As  it  was  with  Pico  della  Mirandola 
at  the  preaching  of  Savonarola,  so  we  shall  see  it 
happen  again  and  again  in  the  following  story  of 
the  Men  and  Women  of  the  Italian  Renaissance. 

In  tracing  the  progress  of  this  great  reHgious 
movement  in  Italy,  it  is  interesting  to  observe  how, 
at  first,  it  aimed  at  little  more  than  the  internal 
reform  of  the  Church,  by  limiting  the  power  of  the 
Curia,  asserting  the  supreme  authority  of  the  General 
Councils,  putting  an  end  to  corrupt  practices  and 
raising  a  higher  standard  of  personal  devotion  and 
moral  conduct.  Men  who  came  under  the  influence 
of  the  New  Spirit,  and  desired  to  carry  out  these 
reforms,  were  able  to  work  together  in  the  beginning  ; 
but  as  time  passed  on  they  drifted  far  apart,  as  some 
more  ardent  spirits  felt  it  necessary  to  withdraw 
from  a  Church  which  would  not  be  reformed,  while 


PRECURSORS  OF  THE  REFORMATION     7 

others  hated  the  very  thought  of  schism  and  refused 
to  take  any  step  which  would  separate  them  from 
the  Communion  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Amongst 
those  who  looked  upon  the  movement  as  a  protest 
against  practical  abuses,  we  must  mention  Adrian 
of  Utrecht,  Bishop  of  Tortosa,  who  had  been  tutor 
to  Charles  V  and  had  already  carried  out  great 
reforms  in  the  religious  Houses  of  Spain.  A  man  of 
deep  piety  and  learning,  he  ascended  the  papal 
throne  in  1522  with  a  stern  resolution  to  set  the 
Church  in  order.  He  gave  an  example  of  extreme 
simplicity  and  austerity  in  his  own  household,  but 
when  he  attempted  to  influence  the  Curia,  he  soon 
found  that  the  Cardinals  were  firmly  resolved  not  to 
be  reformed.  Quite  satisfied  with  the  scholastic 
theology  of  St.  Thomas,  he  himself  had  no  desire  for 
doctrinal  changes,  although  he  vainly  besought  his 
friend  Erasmus  to  come  and  help  him  in  the  struggle 
against  abuses.  Pope  Adrian  died  within  two  years, 
having  apparently  achieved  nothing. 

Still,  all  honest  effort  must  leave  some  trace  behind, 
and  Adrian  VI  was  at  least  sincere  in  his  desire  for 
real  reform.  We  are  not  surprised  at  the  refusal  of 
Erasmus  to  help  him  in  so  mighty  a  task,  for  he  was 
not  the  man  to  take  up  a  forlorn  hope  ;  yet  we  cannot 
resist  a  passing  vision  of  the  vast  possibilities  which 
might  have  arisen  before  the  great  German  scholar, 
had  his  brilliant  talents  been  supported  by  the  whole- 
hearted courage  of  his  opinions. 

Not  even  the  most  ardent  defenders  of  the  Romish 
Church  have  attempted  to  deny  the  terrible  abuses 
which  had  crept  in  on  every  side,  and  Adrian  was 
by  no  means  the  first  Pope  who  had  boldly  struggled 
against  them.    We  cannot  forget  how  Gregory  VII 


8  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

had  openly  thundered  out  his  denunciations  from 
the  Chair  of  St.  Peter ;  and  there  was  another  Pope, 
Enea  Silvio  Piccolomini,  Pius  II,  who  wrote  in  his 
epistles  :  "  The  Court  of  Rome  gives  nothing  without 
money ;  the  laying  on  of  hands  and  the  gifts  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  are  sold  ;  pardon  is  only  given  to 
those  who  can  pay  for  it."  Perhaps  the  strongest 
language  comes  from  a  saint :  Catherine  of  Siena, 
who,  after  having  compared  the  Pope  to  Judas,  Pilate 
and  Lucifer,  writes  :  "The  ten  commandments  are 
converted  into  one,  '  Bring  us  money  !  '  Rome  is 
a  gulf  of  Hell,  where  the  Devil  presides  and  sells  the 
benefits  which  Christ  acquired  by  his  Passion,  whence 
comes  the  proverb  : 

"  '  Curia  Romana  non  petit  ovem  sine  lana  ; 

Dantes  exaudit,  non  dantibus  ostia  claudit.' " 

A  certain  preacher,  ending  his  sermon  with  the  usual 
appeal  to  "  abundant  alms,''  thus  illustrated  his 
demand  :  "  You  ask  me,  dearest  brethren,  the  way 
to  Paradise  ?  The  monastery  bells  teach  it  you  with 
their  ringing  cry  :  '  Give  !  give  !  give  !  *  ('  Dan-do  ! 
dan-do  !   dan-do  !  ')." 

So  great  was  the  wealth  and  corruption  of  the 
ecclesiastics,  that  the  Third  Lateran  Council  was 
obliged  to  impose  sumptuary  laws  ;  thus,  there  was 
a  limit  of  forty  or  fifty  carriages  for  a  cardinal,  thirty 
or  forty  for  an  archbishop,  bishops  were  to  be 
satisfied  with  twenty-five,  archdeacons  with  five  or 
six,  and  deacons  with  only  two  horses  each.  In  order 
to  maintain  their  sumptuous  establishments,  these 
churchmen  combined  many  benefices  under  their 
control,  forty  or  fifty  being  often  held  by  one  man. 
This  same  corruption  was  found  in  all  orders  of  the 


PRECURSORS  OF  THE  REFORMATION  9 

Church ;  everywhere  the  sacraments  were  sold,  the 
evil  life  of  priests  was  the  common  jest  of  every  writer 
on  social  subjects,  many  of  the  monasteries  had  lost 
all  discipline  and  were  hotbeds  of  corruption.  So 
much  has  been  written  on  this  subject  that  it  will  be 
enough  for  our  purpose  to  state  a  few  salient  and 
undisputed  facts. 

But  amidst  all  these  widespread  signs  of  a  low  tone 
in  morality  and  religion,  there  was  not  wanting, 
below  the  surface,  a  general  reaction  of  the  national 
conscience  in  Italy,  and  this  was  undoubtedly  to  a 
great  extent  strengthened  by  the  influence  and 
example  of  the  German  Reformers.  Their  books 
were  already  spreading  throughout  the  country  to 
an  extraordinary  extent,  and  every  famous  printmg- 
house  was  busy  with  new  editions  of  the  Fathers, 
Translations  of  the  Bible,  and  Commentaries  on  the 
Epistles,  etc.  All  these  were  read  and  studied  by  men 
of  note  and  influence,  who  were  to  take  a  leading 
part  in  the  reforming  movement.  Gian  Matteo 
Giberti,  highly  honoured  for  his  piety  and  sincerity, 
was  one  of  those  who  carried  into  action  the  opinions 
he  had  accepted.  He  was  appointed  Datary  by 
Clement  VII,  and  Bishop  of  Verona  in  1524,  where 
his  administration  of  the  diocese  and  successful 
reform  of  the  clergy  was  a  shining  example  to  other 
prelates.  Giberti  also  founded  a  learned  soceity  in 
Verona  and  a  Greek  printing-press  which  published 
good  editions  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Church. 

Reginald  Pole,  at  this  time  still  a  layman,  was 
one  of  the  professors  at  the  University  of  Padua,  and 
his  household  also  became  a  centre  of  Catholic  reform. 
In  Venice,  where  toleration  was  a  State  principle,  there 
was  a  large  Teutonic  colony,  having  its  centre  in  the 


10  ITALIAN  KEFORMATION 

Fondaco  de'  Tedeschi,  and  the  books  of  Luther  found 
their  way  here  as  early  as  1519,  and  were  eagerly 
bought,  although  by  command  of  the  Patriarch, 
many  of  them  were  seized  and  destroyed.  However, 
even  at  this  early  date,  works  of  the  German  reformers 
were  translated  into  Italian  and  published  anony- 
mously, with  a  wide  circulation.  Amongst  these 
were  Luther's  sermons  on  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and 
Melanchthon's  "  Loci  Communes,"  under  the  title  of 
"  I  Principii  della  Teologia."'  Fra  Andrea  of  Ferrara, 
who  preached  during  Christmas  1520,  at  San  Marco 
and  in  the  open  air,  was  described  as  "  following  the 
doctrine  of  Martin  Luther."  The  same  was  said  of 
Giambattista  Pallavicino,  a  Carmelite  friar  who 
preached  at  Brescia  in  the  Lent  of  1527  ;  while  three 
*'  heretic  teachers  "  are  spoken  of  at  Mirandola  in 
1524. 

Amongst  these  earlier  reformers  in  North  Italy, 
we  are  told  of  a  Florentine  physician  Girolamo  di 
Bartolemmeo  Buongrazia,  who  confessed  that  he 
had  accepted  the  teaching  of  Luther  in  1527.  Como 
appears  to  have  been  a  centre  of  disaffection  since 
the  days  of  Julius  II,  and  various  Austin  friars  de- 
sired to  leave  their  native  land  and  join  Zwingli  in 
1525;  while  some  priests  at  Como  preached  against 
the  current  doctrine  of  the  Eucharist,  and  "  were 
laying  hands  on  others  who  were  to  administer  the 
Eucharist  in  both  kinds."  These  are  only  a  few 
instances,  but  we  shall  see  how,  after  the  death  of 
Clement  VII  in  1534,  the  Reforming  spirit  spread 
and  increased  on  all  sides,  and  was  especially  strong 
in  certain  cities,  which  formed  well-defined  centres. 

Of  these  the  most  important  were,  Venice  and  its 
neighbourhood  ;   Vicenza,  Brescia,  Cittadella,  Miran- 


PEECURSORS  OF  THE  REFORMATION  11 

dola,  Como,  Padua  ;  Ferrara,  Modena,  Rome  and 
Viterbo  ;  Milan,  Piacenza,  and  last  but  not  least, 
Naples  and  Lucca. 

It  will  be  interesting  to  follow  out  the  history  of 
all  these  various  circles,  to  trace  the  steady  rise  and 
progress  of  this  religious  movement,  and  to  enter 
fully  into  the  most  interesting,  and  too  often  tragic 
story  of  the  devoted  Men  and  Women  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, who  endured  sorrow  and  suffering  for  their 
religion  and,  in  many  cases,  sealed  their  faith  by  a 
martyr's  death. 


CHAPTER   11 

ORATORY   OF   DIVINE    LOVE 

The  Oratory  of  Divine  Love,  formed  by  a  number  of  distinguished 
churchmen — Reform  within  the  Church  their  chief  aim — Hatred 
of  schism — Paul  III  forms  a  council:  "  Consilium  de  emendando 
Ecclesia  " — Composed  of  Gaspero  Contarini,  Giacomo  Sadoleto 
Bishop  of  Carpentras,  Giovan  Pietro  Caraffa,  Federigo  Fregoso, 
Matteo  Giberti,  Reginald  Pole,  Aleandro  Archbishop  of  Brindisi, 
Gregorio  Cortese  and  Tomaso  Badia — Life  of  Cardinal  Contarini. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  those  who  took  part  in 
the  Reforming  movement  of  the  sixteenth  century 
in  Italy,  might  be  divided  into  three  distinct  classes. 

First :  those  earnest  and  devout  members  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  who  were  aware  of  the  serious 
abuses  which  had  crept  in  on  every  side,  in  morals, 
in  discipline  and  in  every  form  of  religious  govern- 
ment, and  who  felt  that  a  complete  reform  of  the 
hierarchy  and  of  all  institutions  connected  with  the 
Church  of  Rome,  was  absolutely  indispensable.  But 
if  they  desired  a  return  to  the  simpler  forms  of  an 
earlier  Christianity,  at  the  same  time  they  firmly 
adhered  to  the  dogmas  and  doctrines  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  of  their  day. 

Secondly  :  were  those  who  fully  agreed  in  advo- 
cating the  necessity  of  external  reform,  but  whose 
opinions  had  been  influenced  to  some  extent  by 
the  new  doctrines  of  Lutheranism,  and  who  longed 
for  a  simpler  creed.     They  were  especially  drawn 

12 


ORATORY  OF  DIVINE  LOVE  13 

towards  tlie  doctrines  of  justification  by  faith,  and 
salvation  by  the  merits  of  Christ,  and  were  disposed 
to  look  upon  the  Bible  as  the  sole  authority  in  matters 
of  belief.  But  the  members  of  this  class  had,  as  yet, 
no  wish  to  withhold  allegiance  from  the  Pope  as  the 
Head  of  Christendom,  and  they  shrank  with  horror 
from  the  thought  of  schism,  or  cutting  themselves 
ofi  from  the  Catholic  communion. 

Thirdly :  we  find  a  small  band  of  whole-hearted 
and  devoted  disciples  of  the  Reformed  Faith,  who 
were  willing  to  sacrifice  everything  for  their  religion, 
which  to  them  was  far  dearer  than  life  or  liberty — 
martyr  spirits  who  gladly,  for  conscience'  sake,  went 
forth  to  meet  persecution,  exile  or  death. 

Yet  it  was  not  possible  for  these  three  classes  of 
reformers  to  be  severed  by  any  clear  fine  of  demarca- 
tion ;  as  we  shall  see  in  the  coming  history  of  the 
Men  and  Women  of  the  Italian  Reformation,  one 
division  imperceptibly  melts  into  the  other,  or  indeed 
one  reformer  may  actually  pass  through  all  three 
phases. 

Belonging  in  a  great  measure  to  the  first  class  of 
Reformers  was  a  most  interesting  group  of  nearly 
sixty  members  which,  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Leo  X, 
began  to  meet  in  Rome  for  the  purpose  of  attempting 
to  reform  the  Catholic  Church  from  within.  This 
pious  society,  which  was  called  "  The  Oratory  of 
Divine  Love,"  was  founded  in  1523,  in  the  rectory  of 
Giuliano  Dati,  close  to  the  little  church  of  S.  Dorotea 
in  Trastevere,  on  the  slope  of  the  Janiculum,  near 
the  traditional  site  of  St.  Peter's  martyrdom.  In 
the  religious  circle,  united  by  one  high  moral  ideal, 
were  churchmen  of  every  rank,  and  laymen  alike 
distinguished  by  learning  and  virtue,  men  of  every 


14  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

tendency  of  thought ;  but  the  humanist  and  the 
ascetic,  the  doctrinal  and  the  practical  reformer 
worked  together  in  harmony.  The  society  was 
founded  on  the  principle  that  the  reform  of  the 
Church  must  be  built  upon  the  religious  reform  of  the 
individual,  as  well  as  upon  that  of  the  spiritual 
hierarchy.  Full  of  zeal  and  devotion,  they  pledged 
themselves  to  devote  more  time  to  private  and 
public  prayer,  and  by  religious  reading  and  medita- 
tion, to  do  all  in  their  power  to  deepen  and  spiritualise 
the  foimdations  of  Christian  life. 

One  striking  feature  of  these  meetings  was  the 
revival  of  the  study  of  St.  Augustine's  works,  which 
had  been  so  great  a  power  in  the  mediaeval  Church. 
As  Reginald  Pole  said  :  "  The  jewel  which  the  Church 
had  so  long  kept  half  concealed  was  again  brought 
to  light.'' 

It  is  strange  to  find  amongst  the  leaders  of  this 
religious  movement,  who  thus  worked  together  in 
apparent  brotherly  love,  the  names  of  men  who  in 
after  years  were  ranged  in  opposite  camps — amongst 
the  persecutors  of  the  Roman  Inquisition  on  one 
side,  and  the  victims  and  martyrs  of  that  dread 
tribunal  on  the  other.  Here  we  see  the  gentle 
Gaspero  Contarini,  made  Cardinal  in  1535  ;  Giacomo 
Sadoleto  Bishop  of  Carpentras,  Gian  Matteo  Giberti 
Bishop  of  Verona,  Bonifacio  da  CoUe,  Paolo  Con- 
sigliere,  Tullio  Crispaldo,  Latino  Giovenale,  Luigi 
Lippomano,  Giuliano  Dati,  Gaetano  da  Thiene — the 
founder  of  the  Theatines,  canonised  later — and  many 
others,  amongst  whom,  last  not  least,  was  Giovan 
Pietro  Caraffa,  later  zealous  Inquisitor  and  Pope 
under  the  name  of  Paul  IV. 

Caracciolo,  in  his  Life  of  this  Pope  Paul  IV,  grows 


OKATORY  OF  DIVINE  LOVE  15 

enthusiastic  at  the  mention  of  those  early  days  when 
Caraffa  was  a  member  of  the  Oratory  of  Divine  Love, 
which  he  describes  as  "  a  tower  or  citadel  to  defend 
the  laws  of  God  and  to  drive  back  the  impetuous 
attacks  of  vice  and  irreligion." 

If  the  endeavour  failed  in  its  high  purpose  of  reform 
and  unity,  it  had  at  least  the  merit  of  creating  a  kind 
of  public  opinion  on  the  necessity  of  such  reform 
within  the  Church,  as  should  cause  the  laws  and 
customs  of  the  Church  to  follow  the  example  and  the 
precepts  of  its  first  Founder.  We  may  add  that  it 
was  in  reality  a  peaceful  conspiracy  which  almost 
carried  out  its  high  purpose  by  the  sacrifice  of  the 
noblest  of  the  conspirators.  It  proved  a  hopeless 
task  to  check  the  course  of  vice  and  corruption  ;  the 
Council  of  Trent  was  a  final  attempt,  but  the  most 
gallant  pioneers  met  with  nothing  but  ingratitude 
and  disaster. 

The  Oratory  of  Divine  Love,  which  had  fought  in 
vain  against  the  pagan  and  worldly  life  in  Rome, 
did  not  survive  the  terrible  storm  of  the  capture 
and  sack  of  the  city  in  1527.  But  in  Venice,  which 
offered  almost  the  only  safe  place  of  refuge  in  Italy, 
a  community  joined  to  form  an  oratory  of  somewhat 
the  same  kind.  Here  Caraffa,  Priuli,  Contarini, 
Reginald  Pole,  and  some  Florentine  fugitives  amongst 
whom  was  Antonio  Bruccioli,  the  translator  of  the 
Bible  into  Italian,  and  the  poet  Marcantonio 
Flaminio,  met  together  for  prayer  and  meditation. 
Somewhat  similar  societies  were  also  formed  later 
in  many  other  Italian  cities ;  Naples,  Modena, 
Ferrara,  Florence,  Bologna,  Lucca,  Viterbo,  etc., 
which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  consider  later. 

It  was  to  the  group  of  pious  and  learned  men  who 


16  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

had  joined  the  first  Oratory  of  Divine  Love  in  Rome 
that  Pope  Paul  III  turned  for  help,  in  his  famous 
effort  to  reform  the  Church,  in  1537.  He  summoned 
Cardinal  Contarini  from  Venice,  and  requested  him 
to  form  a  Council  of  distinguished  churchmen  to 
carry  out  his  wishes.  Contarini  gladly  undertook 
the  congenial  task,  and  suggested  the  names  of  CarafEa 
Bishop  of  Chieti,  Federigo  Fregoso  Bishop  of  Gubbio, 
Sadoleto  Bishop  of  Carpentras,  Matteo  Giberti  Bishop 
of  Verona,  Reginald  Pole  who  was  then  living  at 
Padua,  Gregorio  Cortese  a  Benedictine  monk, 
Tomaso  Badia  Master  of  the  Palace,  and  Aleandro 
Archbishop  of  Brindisi.  Briefs  were  sent  to  all  who 
were  absent  by  the  Pope,  who  received  them  with 
flattering  courtesy,  expressing  his  high  opinion  of 
their  learning  and  judgment.  These  nine  chosen 
members  of  the  Conference  were  requested  to  note 
in  VvTiting  what  reforms  they  thought  needful  in 
the  Church,  and  at  the  same  time  were  sworn  to 
secrecy. 

During  two  years,  constant  meetings  were  held  in 
the  house  of  Cardinal  Contarini ;  the  whole  subject 
of  abuses  in  the  Church  and  their  remedy,  was 
thoroughly  discussed,  and  Cardinal  Carafia,  who 
from  his  age  had  most  experience,  appears  to  have 
drawn  up  the  twenty-eight  articles  relating  to  ec- 
clesiastical discipline,  under  the  title  of  "  Consilium  de 
emendanda  Ecclesia."  Had  it  been  thoroughly  carried 
out,  it  would  indeed  have  been  a  self-denying  ordi- 
nance on  the  part  of  the  cardinals  and  other  great 
prelates  who  drew  it  up  !  Here  it  was  enacted  that 
"  the  power  of  the  Keys  was  not  to  be  used  for  gain 
of  money,  but  according  to  the  command  of  Christ : 
freely  ye  have  received  and  freely  give/'    Pensions 


OEATOEY  OF  DIVINE  LOVE  17 

were  not  to  be  established  on  the  incomes  of  benefices, 
save  for  charitable  purposes  and  for  the  poor  clergy; . , . 
the  succession  of  benefices  to  relations  was  forbidden 
and  also  plurality  of  benefices ;  . . .  bishops  were  to  live 
in  their  sees  ; — and  cardinals  also  ;  .  .  •  dispensations 
for  marriages  etc.  were  only  to  be  granted  in  very 
special  cases  and  then  always  "  gratis."  .  .  .  Certain 
printed  books  especially  the  "  Colloquies  of  Erasmus/* 
were  interdicted  .  .  .  there  were  recommendations  to 
encourage  peace  and  harmony  and  to  watch  over 
hospitals  and  the  care  of  orphans  and  widows  .  .  . 
etc.  etc. 

But  no  one  was  satisfied  with  the  "  Consihum." 
The  most  ardent  supporters  of  the  Church  were  furious 
at  having  so  many  abuses  enumerated ;  while  honest 
men  like  Cardinal  Contarini,  felt  that  no  real  progress 
was  made  in  the  direction  of  reform,  until  abuses 
were  actually  put  an  end  to.  A  copy  of  the  great 
Edict  had  prematurely  reached  Germany,  and  it  was 
published  with  a  stinging  preface  by  the  famous  Jean 
Sturm  of  the  Academy  of  Strasburg.  He  compli- 
mented the  Pope  and  the  Cardinals  on  their  good 
intentions,  but  he  asked  "  why  there  was  no  mention 
of  preaching  the  Gospel,  of  reading  the  Bible,  of 
reforming  the  faith  and  life  of  the  nations  1  "  The 
only  remedy  for  abuses  was  to  put  an  end  to  super- 
stitious fables,  and  scholastic  quibbles  which  darken 
the  mind  without  satisfying  the  conscience.  It  was 
the  old  story  of  the  Pharisees  who  "strain  at  a  gnat 
and  swallow  a  camel.'" 

Luther    expressed    his    opinion    of    the    vaunted 

*'  Consihum,"'  by  a  picture  in  the  frontispiece  of  his 

book,   representing  the   Pope   seated   upon  a   very 

high  throne,  surrounded  by  Cardinals,  who  held  in 

2 


18  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

their  hands  long  poles  to  which  the  tails  of  foxes 
were  fastened  by  branches  of  flowering  broom. 

By  a  curious  irony  of  fate,  when  Cardinal  Caraffa 
became  Pope  as  Paul  IV,  he  placed  this  "  Consilium  '* 
in  the  Index  of  prohibited  works  for  the  year  1559. 
He  also  arraigned  for  heresy  before  the  Roman 
Inquisition,  most  of  the  colleagues  who,  under  his 
direction,  had  drawn  up  this  unlucky  document. 
Indeed  almost  all  of  those  who  had  joined  the  Oratory 
of  Divine  Love  became  the  object  of  suspicion  and 
of  cruel  persecution ;  some  were  only  saved  by 
premature  death  from  the  flames  of  the  Inquisition. 

It  will  be  interesting  at  this  point,  to  give  a  short 
account  of  a  few  of  the  more  distinguished  members 
of  the  learned  and  religious  society. 

Gaspero  Contarini  was  born  in  the  year  1483,  in 
Venice,  at  a  time  when  that  city  was  at  the  height  of 
her  prosperity  and  magnificence  ;  when  her  merchant 
princes  ruled  the  sea,  before  the  discovery  of  America 
had  raised  up  rivals  in  her  world-wide  commerce. 
The  father  of  Gaspero  was  a  prosperous  merchant 
who  would  have  had  his  son  follow  in  his  steps,  had 
not  the  boy  shown  so  strong  a  taste  for  learning  as 
to  kindle  the  ambition  of  Luigi  Contarini,  who  had 
him  taught  by  the  most  famous  professors  of  Venice. 
He  was  sent  to  Padua  at  the  age  of  eighteen  to  learn 
Greek  under  Marco  Musurus,  the  distinguished  pupil 
of  Lascari,  and  he  studied  the  philosophy  of  Aristotle 
with  the  great  Mantuan  scholar,  Pietro  Pomponazzo. 
Amongst  his  companions  at  Padua  were  the  traveller 
and  historian,  Andrea  Navagero  and  the  physican 
Fracastoro,  whose  theories  were  so  much  in  advance 
of  his  time. 

A  splendid  career  opened  out  before  Gaspero,  who 


ORATORY  OF  DIVINE  LOVE  19 

in  1521  was  sent  by  the  Republic  as  ambassador  to 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.  He  was  much  attracted  by- 
young  Contarini,  and  took  him  from  Worms  to  the 
siege  of  Tournay  in  his  suite  ;  thence  to  England  and 
lastly  back  to  Spain.  Here  he  was  able  to  solve  a 
mathematical  problem  which  puzzled  the  wise  men 
of  the  day.  In  September  of  the  year  1522,  a  certain 
ship  named  the  Vittoria  arrived  from  the  East,  laden 
with  cloves  and  spice  from  the  Molucca  Islands  which 
it  had  reached  sailing  west.  It  was  the  first  ship 
which  had  thus  sailed  round  the  world,  and  the 
captain,  Sebastian  de  Elcano,  was  rewarded  by  the 
Emperor  with  armorial  bearings  of  a  terrestrial  globe 
and  the  proud  motto  :  "  Primus  circumdedisti  me." 
Sebastian  had  kept  an  exact  account  of  each  twenty- 
four  hours  during  the  voyage,  but  he  was  amazed 
to  find,  when  he  reached  San  Lucar  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Guadalquiver — the  port  of  Seville — that  it  was 
not  Sunday,  September  7,  as  he  believed,  but  Monday 
the  8th. 

This  was  much  discussed  amongst  the  learned,  but 
it  was  Contarini  who  made  the  calculation,  that  by 
sailing  westward  round  the  world,  they  had  lost 
a  day. 

After  the  sack  of  Rome  in  1527,  Contarini  was  sent 
as  ambassador  from  Venice  to  Pope  Clement  VII, 
in  order  to  induce  him  to  lessen  his  enormous  demand 
upon  the  Republic  of  100,000  ducats  of  gold,  as  a 
salt-tax.  He  was  able  not  only  to  serve  his  country 
with  the  Pope  but  also  with  the  Emperor,  whom  he 
met  at  Bologna  and  from  whom  he  obtained  very 
advantageous  terms  of  peace.  On  his  return,  the 
Senate  appointed  him  one  of  the  chief  magistrates 
of  his  native  city.    A  few  years  later,  in  1535,  a 


20  ITALIAN   REFOEMATION 

messenger  from  the  new  Pope,  Paul  III,  brought  the 
surprising  news  that  Gasparo  Contarini  had  been 
raised  to  the  dignity  of  Cardinal.  He  was  at  first 
doubtful  whether  he  would  accept  this  honour,  but 
he  yielded  to  the  persuasion  of  his  friends,  with  the 
hope  that  he  might  be  useful  in  promoting  the  much- 
needed  reform  of  the  Church. 

This  appointment  gave  general  satisfaction,  and 
Reginald  Pole,  who  was  in  Venice  at  the  time,  said 
that  he  had  heard  of  virtue  being  honoured  for  its 
own  sake,  but  had  never  before  seen  so  striking  an 
instance  of  it.  It  was  when  Cardinal  Contarini 
was  established  in  Rome,  that  he  was  called  upon  by 
Paul  III  to  carry  out  the  scheme  of  reform  of  which 
we  have  already  seen  the  practical  failure  in  spite  of 
Contarini's  earnest  efforts.  The  new  Pope  was, 
however,  quite  satisfied  with  his  futile  attempt  at 
reforming  abuses,  and  he  was  easily  persuaded  by 
interested  prelates  and  cardinals  that  no  more  could 
be  done  without  danger  to  the  whole  policy  of  the 
Roman  Court.  However,  he  was  quite  aware  of 
Contarini's  honest  zeal,  and  willingly  took  his  advice 
in  the  creation  of  new  Cardinals  of  high  character. 
Amongst  these  we  find,  Federigo  Fregoso,  Sadoleto, 
Matteo  Giberti,  Reginald  Pole  and  Gregorio  Cortese, 
a  Benedictine  monk  of  the  convent  of  Lerins  in 
Provence. 

When,  in  1538,  Paul  III  went  to  Nice  to  meet  the 
Emperor  and  the  French  King,  Frangois  I,  Contarini 
accompanied  him  and  was  received  with  special 
honour  by  Queen  Marguerite  of  Navarre,  who  had 
heard  with  the  greatest  interest  of  his  reformed 
opinions.  T\vo  years  later,  after  various  ineffectual 
efforts   to   settle   religious   differences   amongst   his 


ORATORY  OF  DIVINE  LOVE  21 

subjects,  the  Emperor  convoked  a  Diet  at  Ratisbon 
and,  desiring  the  presence  of  a  prelate  of  authority 
and  learning,  he  asked  the  Pope  to  send  Cardinal 
Contarini  as  his  Legate.  Paul  III  readily  agreed, 
and  both  Charles  V  and  his  brother  Ferdinand  gave 
the  warmest  reception  to  their  old  friend.  At  this 
moment,  there  seemed  more  hope  of  agreement 
than  ever  before,  as  earnest  men  of  both  sides  felt 
that  the  peace  of  Europe  hung  upon  their  decision. 
No  one  could  have  been  better  suited  than  Contarini 
to  bring  these  momentous  discussions  to  a  satisfactory 
end,  and  the  Emperor,  who  himself  presided  at  the 
Diet,  desired  nothing  more  earnestly  than  a  complete 
agreement  between  the  opposing  views. 

While  at  Ratisbon,  Cardinal  Contarini  had  written 
a  tract,  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  on  the  vexed  question 
of  "  justification  by  faith,''  in  which  he  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  this  doctrine  was  the  foundation  of 
the   Christian   Faith.     Many  Romanists   as   well  as 
the  Protestants  appeared  to  agree  upon  this  difficult 
subject,  although  in  point  of  fact  different  meanings 
were  given  to  the  words,  and  there  was  a  constant 
quibble  about  the  expression  "  faith  alone."    Faith 
must  be  living  and  active  ;    and  justification  must 
depend  both  on  "  inherent  "  and  "  imputed  "  right- 
eousness.    But  the  serious    obstacle  to  all  concord 
was  the  secret  duplicity  of  the  Pope  and  his  most 
devoted  adherents,   such  as  Caraffa  and  Aleander. 
He  was  informed  from  day  to  day  of  all  that  passed  ; 
his  consent  was  needed  for  every  point,  and  he  was 
absolutely  opposed  to  any  reform  of  doctrine  which 
would  interfere  with  the  papal  prerogative.     After  a 
time  it  became  quite  clear  that  no  final  settlement 
could  be  carried  at  this  Conference,  which  was  there- 


22  ITALIAN  EEFORMATION 

fore  brought  to  an  end  by  the  Emperor  after  nearly 
three  months  of  weary  discussion. 

It  had  been  a  time  of  great  anxiety  and  disappoint- 
ment to  Contarini,  but  Charles  V  fully  appreciated 
the  strenuous  and  earnest  labours  of  the  Cardinal, 
who  was  in  failing  health,  and  had  exerted  himself 
beyond  his  strength.  He  was  rewarded  by  being 
appointed  to  the  Government  of  Bologna,  where  he 
was  received  by  the  inhabitants  with  the  greatest 
enthusiasm.  Here  he  was  able  to  carry  out  his  high 
ideal  of  a  just  and  careful  rule,  for  he  devoted  him- 
self to  the  good  of  his  subjects  ;  was  always  patient 
in  hearing  disputes  and  trying  to  act  as  peacemaker 
by  preventing  lawsuits.  He  gave  public  audience 
once  a  week  in  a  large  hall  open  to  all  his  people, 
where  those  who  thought  themselves  wronged  or 
aggrieved  came  to  make  complaint,  and  the  Cardinal 
employed  his  keen  intellect  and  warm  charity  in 
righting  wrongs  and  turning  foes  into  friends. 

Paul  III  had  been  anxious  to  send  him  on  a  diplo- 
matic mission  to  the  Emperor,  but  he  was  suddenly 
taken  ill  with  fever  in  the  great  heat  of  the  month  of 
August,  1542 ;  and  when  his  devoted  secretary 
Beccadelli  expressed  the  hope  that  he  would  soon  be 
ready  for  his  journey,  he  replied  :  "I  must  prepare 
myself  to  appear  in  the  presence  of  another  and  a 
greater  Emperor."  He  spoke  with  deep  gratitude 
of  the  blessings  he  had  received,  and  expressed  his 
readiness  to  depart  this  life.  His  only  regret  was 
that  he  could  not  do  more  for  his  poor  people,  and 
he  passed  away  in  peaceful  hope  and  faith. 

His  death  was  an  irreparable  loss  to  the  cause  of 
conciliation,  and  the  universal  grief  of  rich  and  poor 
was  a  well-deserved  testimony  to  his  noble  and  loving 


ORATORY  OF  DIVINE  LOVE  23 

character.  He  was  a  man  of  great  learning  and 
wide  study,  not  only  in  theology  but  in  every  branch 
of  philosophy.  His  knowledge  of  Aristotle  was  so 
profound  that  it  was  commonly  said  "  if  the  books 
of  that  author  were  lost,  he  could  reproduce  them 
from  memory,  word  for  word."  His  fearless  and 
outspoken  honesty  won  hun  the  highest  respect  and 
admiration,  and  made  him  a  great  favourite  with  the 
Emperor  who  hated  flattery,  while  it  gave  him  power- 
ful influence  for  good  on  Paul  III.  Contarini  was 
ever  a  generous  patron  to  poor  scholars,  and  his 
hospitality  was  boundless  to  all  who  needed  it,  for 
as  he  said :  "  God  has  not  called  me  to  this  high 
station  for  my  own  convenience  but  for  the  service 
of  others."  It  has  been  well  said  of  him  that 
*'  he  was  one  of  the  noblest  figures  in  an  age  of 
great  men,  and  the  blessing  of  the  peacemaker  was 
his." 


CHAPTER   III 

CARDINALS  GIBERTI,  SADOLETO  AND  MORONE 

Life  of  Cardinal  Gian  Matteo  Giberti,  Bishop  of  Verona,  Papal  Datary 
— Life  of  Cardinal  Jacopo  Sadoleto,  Bishop  of  Carpentras — 
Life  of  Cardinal  Giovanni  Morone,  Bishop  of  Modena — Perse- 
cution of  the  Reformers  of  Modena — Dispersion  of  the  Academy 
of  Modena — Morone  made  Governor  of  Bologna — After  the  elec- 
tion of  Pope  Paul  IV,  he  was  sent  to  the  Council  of  Trent — He 
died  in  Rome  in  1580. 

Amongst  the  members  of  the  Oratory  of  Divine  Love 
who  deserve  a  special  notice,  the  most  important, 
after  Cardinal  Contarini,  is  Gian  Matteo  Giberti 
Bishop  of  Verona,  one  of  the  most  eminent  men  of 
his  time  for  learning  and  piety.  His  talents  were 
early  recognised  by  Pope  Clement  VII  who  appomted 
him  Papal  Datary,^  and  was  much  under  his  influence. 
At  the  terrible  sack  of  Rome  in  1527,  Giberti  took 
refuge  with  the  Pope  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo, 
and  endured  later  great  suffering  and  peril  as  one 
of  his  hostages.  After  this  awful  experience,  the 
Bishop  retired  to  his  See  at  Verona,  where  he  devoted 
himself  to  the  wise  government  of  those  under  his 
rule,  to  the  reform  of  ecclesiastical  abuses,  and  to 
theological  study.  In  order  to  encourage  this,  he 
started  a  printing-house  in  his  own  palace  with  the 
chief  object  of  giving  to  the  world  correct  editions 
of  the  Greek  Fathers. 

^  Originally  meaning  the  Secretary  who  dated  answers  to  memorials, 

24 


GIBERTI,   SADOLETO  AND  MORONE     25 

As  we  have  already  seen,  he  was  one  of  the  col- 
leagues selected  by  his  friend  Contarini  for  the  impor- 
tant task  of  drawing  up  the  famous  "  Consilium,"  and 
he  shared  the  cruel  disappointment  of  this  failure  in 
advancing  the  cause  of  true  reform.  His  home 
became  a  centre  of  religious  and  literary  activity, 
where  all  the  illustrious  men  of  his  day  gathered 
together  for  encouragement  and  study,  and  to  profit 
by  the  wise  counsel  of  the  Bishop  who  had  gained 
so  broad  an  experience  in  diplomacy  during  his 
various  important  missions  to  England  and  France. 
One  of  his  most  devoted  admirers  was  the  delightful 
poet  Marcantonio  Flaminio,  who  had  studied  under 
Giberti  at  Padua,  and  who  accompanied  him  as 
secretary  to  Verona.  Another  special  friend  and 
constant  correspondent  was  Reginald  Pole,  who  as 
early  as  1525,  when  he  went  to  Rome,  was  surprised 
at  the  wonderful  reception  awaiting  him  in  Florence 
and  other  towns,  and  only  later  discovered  the 
honours  thus  paid  him,  were  due  to  the  kindness  of 
the  Bishop  of  Verona,  whom  he  had  not  yet  seen. 

We  have  not  space  even  to  touch  upon  the  extremely 
interesting  correspondence  of  Cardinal  Giberti  and 
his  friends,  but  on  the  occasion  of  a  stay  at  Liege 
in  July  1537,  we  have  a  vivid  picture  of  the  life  they 
led. 

"  The  Bishop  of  Verona  is  our  master  of  ceremonies. 
After  Office,  we  hear  Mass  and  dine  at  midday. 
During  dinner  there  is  reading  from  St.  Bernard  and 
conversation.  On  leaving  table,  the  Bishop  of  Verona 
generally  reads  a  chapter  of  Eusebius  :  '  De  Demon- 
stratione  Evangelica.'  Then  some  two  hours  pass  in 
agreeable  and  useful  talk  until  an  hour  and  a  half 


26  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

before  supper,  after  which  we  sing  Vespers  and 
Compline,  and  the  Legate  .  .  .  lectures  upon  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  Timothy,  to  the  great  satisfac- 
tion of  Giberti  and  the  others." 

The  views  of  Giberti  on  the  subject  of  a  reform  in 
doctrine  as  well  as  in  discipline,  closely  resembled 
those  we  have  already  mentioned  of  Cardinal  Con- 
tarini,  whom  he  survived  little  more  than  a  year, 
dying  on  December  30,  1543.  The  loss  of  these  two 
earnest  and  devoted  prelates  was  an  irreparable  blow 
to  the  hopes  of  conciliation  between  the  Church  at 
Rome  and  the  Reformers. 

Amongst  the  band  of  prelates  who  desired  to 
reform  the  Church  from  within,  Sadoleto  and  Morone 
survived,  but  as  we  shall  see  in  the  following  short 
account  of  their  lives  and  work,  they  had  not  the 
needful  force  of  character  to  fight  a  losing  cause. 
The  same  may  be  said  with  still  more  force  of  Reginald 
Pole,  whose  history  will  find  its  place  in  that  of  the 
circle  at  Viterbo,  in  which  Vittoria  Colonna  plays  so 
large  a  part. 

The  story  of  Jacopo  Sadoleto,  who  was  born  at 
Modena  in  1477,  carries  us  back  to  the  gay  and  cul- 
tured days  of  the  Renaissance  under  Leo  X,  to  whom 
both  he  and  Pietro  Bembo  played  the  part  of  secre- 
taries and  companions.  They  were  also  amongst  the 
most  brilliant  ornaments  of  that  polished  and  literary 
circle.  But  as  time  passed  on,  Sadoleto  was  not 
blind  to  the  coming  changes,  and  with  clear  insight 
foresaw  the  approaching  storm,  before  the  invading 
horde  had  reached  Rome  in  the  days  of  Clement  VII. 
He  even  warned  the  Pope  of  his  danger,  but  finding 
his  words  unheeded,  he  obtained  permission  to  leave 


GIBERTI,  SADOLETO  AND  MORONE    27 

the  city,  just  twenty  days  before  its  capture,  and  he 
retired  to  his  bishopric  of  Carpentras,  near  Avignon. 
He  had  a  most  disastrous  journey,  for  the  plague 
broke  out  on  board  his  ship  at  Nice.  All  his 
precious  books  were  also  lost.  Here  it  was  that  he 
received  a  letter  from  Erasmus  that  "  not  the  city 
but  the  world  has  perished  and  the  present  sufferings 
of  Rome  are  more  cruel  than  those  brought  on  her 
by  the  Goths  and  the  Gauls."  A  mournful  letter  of 
Sadoleto  from  Carpentras  in  which  he  dwells  upon 
past  glories,  has  been  well  called  by  Gregorovius 
"the  swan's  song — a  farewell  to  the  cheerful  world 
of  humanist  times." 

It  was  in  1532  that  Sadoleto  formed  an  enduring 
friendship  with  Reginald  Pole,  who  had  settled  in 
Avignon  in  order  to  pursue  his  studies  and  live  un- 
observed out  of  the  way  of  Henry  VIII,  whom  he 
had  opposed  concerning  his  divorce.  Here  Pole  was 
near  Carpentras,  where  he  found  a  kindred  spirit  in 
the  Bishop  who  was  at  that  time  finishing  his  "  Treatise 
on  Education,"'  intended  for  his  nephew  who  was  to 
succeed  him  in  his  diocese.  This  MS.  he  entrusted 
to  Pole  that  he  might  take  it  to  Bembo  at  Venice 
and  read  it  himself  on  the  journey,  and  he  received 
in  return  a  most  eloquent  letter  of  praise  and  admira- 
tion. A  little  later  Sadoleto  had  two  works  on  hand  ; 
one  was  a  commentary  on  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,  and  the  other  was  in  Praise  of  Philosophy. 
He  asked  the  advice  of  Bembo  as  to  which  he  should 
finish  first,  and  his  old  friend  was  in  favour  of  the 
latter.  But  Pole's  opinion  was  also  asked,  and  his 
advice  was  so  full  and  comprehensive  that  it  quite 
decided  his  future  work.  As  Sadoleto  writes  :  "I 
shall  never  forget  the  faithful  and  prudent  advice 


28  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

you  gave  me  ...  to  addict  myself  chiefly  to  that 
whose  reward  extended  beyond  this  world  into  the 
next.  This  answer  turned  me  to  sacred  literature.'* 
He  remarked  later  that  he  found  "  Plato  and  Aristotle 
languid  and  flat  compared  with  St.  Paul.'^ 

The  well-kno\vn  Protestant  poet  and  philosopher 
Aonio  Paleario  was  a  friend  of  his,  and  he  wrote  a 
beautiful  letter  in  praise  of  the  poem  on  the  "  Im- 
mortality of  the  Soul,"  greatly  admiring  the  author's 
religious  views.  When  Sadoleto  was  summoned  to 
Rome  to  take  part  with  Contarini,  Giberti,  and  others 
in  the  "  Consilium,"  we  are  told  of  his  primitive  mode 
of  travel  on  the  journey  through  Milan  and  Modena, 
with  two  mules,  on  one  of  which  were  packed  his 
bed  and  baggage,  including  his  books.  He  did  not 
willingly  show  himself  at  Court,  indeed  this  is  the 
testimony  borne  to  him  by  Cranmer,  in  a  letter  to 
Henry  VIII.  Speaking  of  Pole  and  his  friends  he 
quotes  :  "  They  be  all  singular  fellows,  ever  absenting 
themselves  from  court,  and  desiring  to  live  holily, 
as  the  Bishops  of  Verona  and  Chieti .  .  .  and  Sadoleto 
Bishop  of  Carpentras."  Sadoleto  was  always  more 
timid  than  his  colleagues  in  any  matters  of  doctrmal 
reform,  but  although  he  did  not  display  the  courage 
of  his  opinions,  he  too  was  branded  with  heresy  in 
the  later  proceedings  of  the  Inquisition.  Aonio 
Paleario  to  the  last  declared  that  "  he  was  a  man  as 
learned  as  he  was  holy,"  and  he  certainly  had  reason 
to  be  grateful  for  the  kindly  recommendation  and 
support  which  he  received  from  the  old  Cardinal, 
when  he  desired  to  obtain  the  Chair  of  Eloquence  at 
Lucca.  Giacomo  Sadoleto  did  not  live  to  see  the 
triumph  of  his  orthodox  and  prudential  doctrines 
at  the  later  Council  of  Trent  in  1562,  and  he  had  the 


GIBEETI,   SADOLETO  AND  MORONE    29 

disappointment  of  seeing  some  of  his  religious  writings 
condemned   by  the  Church.     He  died  in  Rome  in 
1547,  the  same  year  as  his  old  friend  Cardinal  Bembo. 
In  dealing  with  the  history  of  Sadoleto's  fellow 
citizen    Giovanni    Morone    who    became    Bishop    of 
Modena,  it  will  be  interesting  to  give  some  account 
of    the    strong    reforming    movement    in    this    city. 
Giovanni  was  the  son  of  the  famous  Girolamo  Morone, 
Chancellor  of  Milan,  who  was  betrayed  and  denounced 
to  Charles  V,  by  the  Marquis  of  Pescara.     He  was 
born  in   1509,  and  so  highly  distinguished   himself 
in  his  scholastic  career  at  Padua,  that  he  was  barely 
twenty  years  of  age  when  Clement  VII  named  him 
Bishop  of  Modena,  although  his  post  was  contested 
by  the  younger  Cardinal    Ippolito  d'Este,   and  he 
had  to  wait  until  1532  before  he  took  possession  of 
his  diocese.     He  was  sent  as  Nuncio  to  Bohemia  at 
the   Court  of  Ferdinand   I,   in   1536,   and  after  his 
successful  interposition  at  the  Council  of  Spires  in 
1542,  he  was  made  Cardinal  the  same  year.     He  had 
warned  the  Pope  that  there  was  an  absolute  necessity 
for  a  Council  and  for  most  energetic  measures  of 
reform  if  the  Church  was  to  be  saved  in  Germany, 

He  was  deputed  as  Legate,  with  Cardinals  Parisio 
and  Pole,  to  the  Council  of  Trent  in  1542,  and  here, 
to  the  amazement  of  all,  the  leadership  devolved 
upon  him.  (This  we  are  plainly  told  from  the  secret 
documents  of  the  Inquisition,  recently  made  known.) 
When  Cardinal  Morone  returned  from  the  Diet  of 
Ratisbon  in  1542,  he  found  serious  religious  troubles 
awaiting  him  in  his  See  of  Modena,  a  distinguished 
centre  of  learning  whose  Academy  had  long  been 
suspected  of  heterodoxy.  Although  his  own  views 
were  in  many  respects  modified   by  the  reformed 


30  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

opinions,  more  especially  in  regard  to  justification  by 
faith,  yet  his  own  high  position  in  the  Papal  hierarchy 
was  a  strong  barrier  against  his  leaving  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  He  was  horrified  to  "  hear  it 
openly  said  that  this  city  is  become  altogether 
Lutheran,"  and  he  felt  that  he  could  only  free  himself 
from  suspicion  of  heresy,  by  taking  strong  measures 
against  those  preachers  who  openly  declared  rebellion. 

Not  only  had  most  of  the  learned  members  of  the 
Academy  studied  the  Scriptures  and  read  the  works 
of  the  Reformers,  but  a  certain  Paolo  Ricci,  a  doctor 
in  theology,  and  formerly  a  Sicilian  monk,  had  been 
spreading  reformed  doctrines  amongst  all  the  people 
until  "  both  men  and  women  disputed  everywhere, 
in  the  markets,  the  public  places  and  the  churches, 
concerning  the  Faith  and  the  law  of  Christ,  quotmg 
and  misquoting  Scriptures  and  doctors  which  they 
had  never  read." '  The  general  interest  in  such 
subjects  had  been  still  more  fully  aroused  by  a  sermon 
preached  on  February  28,  1541,  by  the  eloquent 
friar,  Bernardino  Ochmo,  when  the  church  was  "  so 
thronged  with  academicians  and  the  common  people 
that  there  was  not  even  standing  room  for  all  who 
wished  to  enter." 

News  of  the  religious  excitement  at  Modena  soon 
reached  the  Pope,  who  wished  to  excommunicate 
such  of  the  academicians ,  of  Modena  as  had  openly 
declared  their  heretical  opinions  ;  Cardinals  Sadoleto 
and  Morone  with  great  difiiculty  effected  a  temporary 
conciliation,  but  the  preacher  Paolo  Ricci  was  arrested 
and  compelled  to  recant  under  pain  of  death. 

Morone  sought  by  love  and  charity  to  win  back 
the  wanderers  to  the  fold  of  the  Church,  but  these 

^  The  Annalist,  Tassoni  il  Vecchio, 


GIBERTI,  SADOLETO  AND  MORONE    31 

were  not  the  views  of  the  Papal  authorities,  and  in 
September  1542,  a  form  of  confession  of  faith  was 
sent  from  Rome  to  be  signed  by  the  people  of  Modena, 
and  all  preaching  was  forbidden  except  by  official 
command.  Three  Cardinals  connected  with  Modena 
headed  the  list  of  signatures,  Sadoleto,  Paolo  Cortese 
and  Morone ;  then  followed  the  generals  of  the 
monastic  orders,  some  of  the  magistrates,  and  all  the 
academicians  who  had  not  been  able  to  escape  from 
the  city.  This  was  a  cruel  and  ineffectual  act  of 
tyranny,  for  those  who  had  signed  against  their  will, 
only  held  their  former  opinions  more  strongly.  This 
was  shown  clearly  when  in  March  1544,  Cardinal 
Morone  sent  a  monk  named  Bartolommeo  della 
Pergola,  whom  he  believed  to  be  orthodox,  but 
concerning  whom  this  account  was  given  by  an  eye- 
witness. 

"  All  the  academicians,  who  are  now  more  than 
twenty-five  in  number,  go  to  hear  him,  also  Antonio 
Gadaldino  the  bookseller,  who  was  one  of  the  first  to 
introduce  forbidden  books  in  the  mother-tongue, 
which  have  since  been  burned  at  Rome  as  heretical. 
This  friar  only  preaches  the  Gospel,  and  never  men- 
tions male  or  female  saints,  nor  the  Fathers  of  the 
Church,  nor  Lent,  nor  fasting,  nor  many  other  things, 
which  preaching  was  much  to  the  taste  of  the  aca- 
demicians." 

We  are  not  surprised  to  hear  that  the  courageous 
monk  was  arrested  and  tried  by  the  Inquisition ; 
and  two  years  later  a  most  cruel  edict  was  published 
against  "  keeping  any  heretical  or  suspected  books 
in  the  house  or  disputing  either  in  public  or  private 


32  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

about  religion "  (for  the  third  offence  complete 
confiscation  of  property  and  the  penalty  of  death  to 
be  inflicted).  The  Academy  of  Modena  could  not 
resist  such  terrible  threats  ;  it  dispersed  and  was  no 
more  heard  of.  The  most  earnest  Reformers  fled  to 
other  lands  where  they  openly  professed  the  Gospel ; 
the  more  timid  remained  and  conformed,  for  Faith 
itself  grew  faint  before  the  dread  fires  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion, which  many  endured  at  Modena. 

As  for  Cardinal  Morone,  he  certainly  had  not  the 
martjrr's  zeal,  and  we  shall  see  how  from  this  time, 
he  stifled  his  religious  desires  for  reform  and  lived  in 
outward  conformity.  He  resigned  his  Bishopric  of 
Modena  in  1550  and  the  Duke  of  Milan  made  him 
Bishop  of  Novara,  while  the  Pope  rewarded  him  with 
the  Government  of  Bologna  on  his  return  from  Spires 
where  he  was  sent  to  complain  of  the  Emperor's 
indulgence  to  heretics.  On  the  succession  of  Caraffa 
as  Paul  IV,  his  old  colleague  caused  Morone  to  be 
tried  for  heresy,  and  he  was  imprisoned  in  the  Castle 
of  St.  Angelo  where  he  remained  until  the  death  of 
Paul  IV  (who  had  refused  to  own  that  he  was  inno- 
cent). He  sat  in  the  Conclave  which  elected  Pius  IV, 
and  it  was  said  that  he  narrowly  escaped  the  Tiara 
himself,  as  San  Carlo  Borromeo  proposed  him  as  a 
candidate. 

Morone  was  sent  by  the  new  Pope  as  Legate  to  the 
Council  of  Trent  (1562),  and  here  he  acted  as  a 
useful  tool  of  the  Papal  pretensions,  and  succeeded 
in  reducing  the  proposed  reforms  of  doctrine  and  of 
the  Sacred  College  to  a  mere  shadow.  Amongst  the 
earnest  men  of  learning  and  piety,  who  had  set  forth, 
so  full  of  hope  and  courage,  on  the  pathway  of  re- 
ligious reform  alike  in  doctrine  and  in  discipline,  the 


GIBEKTI,   SADOLETO  AND  MOKONE     33 

Bishop  of  Modena  is  one  of  the  most  striking  ex- 
amples of  one  who  turned  back  faint-hearted,  after 
putting  his  hand  to  the  plough,  although  in  the 
course  of  this  History,  we  shall  meet  with  many  others. 
Of  his  later  years,  we  are  told  that  he  remained  in 
well-merited  favour  with  the  Pope  ;  he  was  sent  to 
the  Diet  of  Ratisbon  in  1576,  and  he  died  in  Rome 
where  he  owned  a  house  in  the  Trastevere  in  1580  ; 
the  "  Vicolo  Morone  "  still  recalling  his  name.  He 
was  buried  in  the  Church  of  Santa  Maria  sopra 
Minerva,  and  left  behind  various  literary  works, 
enumerated  by  Argelati  in  his  "Biblioteca  degli 
scrittori  milanesi." 

But  the  spirit  of  Reform  still  prospered  in  Modena 
to  such  an  extent  that  the  attention  of  Paul  IV  was 
again  called  to  the  rebellious  city.  In  October  1555, 
a  Brief  demanded  that  four  of  the  leaders  should  be 
arrested  and  handed  over  to  the  tender  mercies  of 
the  Inquisition.  One  of  these  was  Bonifacio  Valen- 
tino, Provost  of  the  Cathedral,  who  some  years 
before  had  publicly  announced  that  "  he  wished  to 
sell  his  books,  and  said  he  would  not  read  the  Holy 
Scriptures  any  more,  for  upright  men  are  not  allowed 
to  study.''  His  brother  Filippo  Valentino  was 
warned  in  time  and  made  his  escape,  as  also  did 
Lodovico  Castelvestro,  who  had  translated  the  writings 
of  Melanchthon  into  Italian.  But  Bonifacio  was 
taken  to  Rome  and  with  him  the  famous  bookseller 
Antonio  Gadaldino ;  they  were  tried  before  the 
dread  Tribunal,  found  guilty  and  condemned  to 
perpetual  imprisonment.  Overcome  with  horror  at 
the  carrying  out  of  this  cruel  sentence,  Bonifacio 
was  at  length  induced  to  recant  after  a  year  of  suffer- 
ing, on  condition  that  he  would  publicly  submit  to 
3 


34  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

the  humiliation  of  repeating  his  denial  of  his  faith, 
in  the  Cathedral  of  Modena.  Castelvestro  was  burnt 
in  effigy,  and  died  in  1571  at  Chiavenna,  neither  he 
nor  his  brother  Giammaria  being  suffered  to  return 
to  their  native  land,  under  penalty  of  death. 

But  the  persecutions  for  heresy  did  not  end  with 
these,  for  the  registers  of  the  Inquisition  contain  the 
names  of  many  more  suspected  heretics,  and  their 
condemnation ;  for  we  learn  that  in  the  city  of  Modena 
alone,  in  the  year  1568,  thirteen  men  and  one  woman 
perished  as  martyrs  at  the  stake.  This  is  only  an 
isolated  instance  of  the  cruel  and  persistent  manner 
in  which  any  effort  at  reform  was  stamped  out  in 
the  various  cities  of  Italy. 


CHAPTER   IV 

LIFE   OF   CARDINAL   POLE 

Life  of  Cardinal  Reginald  Pole,  of  the  Royal  House  of  England — His 
education  at  Padua — Persecution  of  his  family  by  Henry  VIII — 
Appointed  Governor  of  Viterbo — His  intimacy  there  with  Vittoria 
Colonna — Some  account  of  Vittoria — Influence  of  Ochino'a 
teaching  upon  her — Her  poems. 

We  have  seen  how  the  failure  of  the  famous  "  Con- 
sihum/'  and  also  of  the  Colloquy  of  Ratisbon  (1541), 
to  eft'ect  a  conciliation,  had  disappointed  the  hopes 
of  those  who  wished  to  reform  the  Church  from 
within.  But  they  did  not  altogether  lose  heart — ■ 
although  Contarini,  their  leader,  was  looked  upon 
with  suspicion  by  Carafi'a  and  other  Cardmals — and 
when  he  died  in  1542  at  Bologna,  his  place  as  head 
of  the  reforming  movement  was  taken  by  Cardinal 
Reginald  Pole.  At  this  time,  the  young  English 
nobleman  plays  such  an  important  part,  at  least  in 
the  hopes  and  expectations  of  his  followers,  that  some 
account  of  his  previous  life  will  be  interesting. 

He  was  the  son  of  Sir  Richard  Pole  and  Margaret 
Planta genet,  sister  of  Edward  Earl  of  Warwick,  and 
could  claim  royal  descent  from  both  father  and 
mother.  Reginald  was  the  third  son,  born  at  Stourton 
Castle,  Staffordshire,  on  March  3,  1500.  His  father 
died  five  years  later,  and  the  boy  appears  to  have 
spent  some  years  at  Canterbury  in  the  Benedictine 
School,   before   he   went   to   Oxford   at   the   age   of 

35 


36  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

thirteen,  and  was  entered  as  a  nobleman  at  Magdalen 
College.  Amongst  his  teachers  were  the  famous 
Greek  scholar  Thomas  Linacre,  and  William  Latimer, 
both  of  whom  had  taken  degrees  at  the  University 
of  Padua,  and  inspired  their  young  pupil  with  their 
own  love  of  Italy.  Pole  showed  great  intelligence 
and  talent ;  he  took  his  B.A.  degree  at  fifteen,  but 
we  are  surprised  to  learn  that  two  years  later  he 
was  appointed  to  the  Prebendary  of  Roscomb  and 
also  that  of  Gatminster  Secundo,  both  in  Salisbury 
Cathedral,  and  soon  after  was  made  Dean  of  Wim- 
borne  Minster  in  Dorsetshire.  He  was  scarcely 
twenty  when  he  was  allowed  to  carry  out  his  desire 
to  study  at  Padua,  and  set  forth  with  a  generous 
allowance  from  Henry  VIII  and  a  princely  retinue. 
Padua  was  then  looked  upon  as  the  "Athens  of 
Europe,"  in  the  words  of  Erasmus  ;  students  flocked 
there  from  every  land,  the  professors  were  the  most 
famous  of  their  day,  and  the  art  of  printing  had 
brought  all  the  treasures  of  the  ancient  writers 
within  reach.  Amongst  the  friends  who  were  to 
influence  the  future  life  of  "  the  King  of  England's 
cousin,"  as  Pole  was  called,  one  of  the  most  important 
was  the  Venetian  Pietro  Bembo,  who  was  the  pride 
of  all  Italy  for  his  writings  in  Latin  and  "  Toscana." 
Born  in  1470,  Bembo  was  thirty  years  older  than  his 
new  acquaintance,  who  became  a  constant  and  welcome 
guest  in  the  delightful  circle  of  his  literary  friends. 
Here  the  young  Englishman  became  intimate  with 
Marcantonio  Flaminio,  a  much-admired  poet  and 
teacher  of  Eloquence  and  Philosophy,  whom  he 
later  persuaded  to  join  his  household  and  "  to  attempt 
in  Latin  metre  the  divine  strength  and  harmony  of 
the  Psalms."    Lazaro  Bonamico,  the  labourer's  son 


LIFE  OF  CARDINAL  POLE  37 

of  Bassano,  and  Longolio  of  Flanders,  both  distin- 
guished scholars,  were  also  attracted  to  choose  him 
as  their  patron.  The  seven  years  which  followed 
were  the  happiest  of  Reginald  Pole's  life,  spent  mostly 
in  serious  study  at  Padua,  where  he  was  treated 
with  the  highest  honour  on  account  of  his  royal 
birth.  He  occasionally  made  excursions  to  Venice 
and  other  places  in  Northern  Italy,  and  paid  one 
visit  to  Rome  in  the  Jubilee  year  1525.  Early  in 
1527,  he  returned  to  England  where  there  had  been 
sad  trials  for  his  family  and  friends,  to  which  we  can 
only  allude  :  the  judicial  murder  of  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  the  father-in-law  of  his  sister  Ursula, 
and  the  imprisonment  of  his  eldest  brother  Lord 
Montague,  who  only  obtained  his  freedom  by  the 
sacrifice  of  most  of  his  fortune. 

At  this  time  Henry  VIII  had  set  his  heart  on 
marriage  with  Anne  Boleyn,  and  was  moving  heaven 
and  earth  to  obtain  a  divorce  from  Katherine  of 
Aragon,  but  we  have  no  space  to  dwell  upon  the 
endless  intrigues  and  crimes  which  followed  ;  the 
whole  story  is  told  in  many  languages  and  in  every 
history  of  the  time.  Reginald  Pole  with  great 
difficulty  obtained  permission  to  leave  his  disturbed 
country,  in  order  to  study  in  Paris.  But  on  his 
arrival  he  received  a  most  unwelcome  commission 
from  the  King  to  advocate  the  subject  of  his  divorce, 
and  when  he  demurred,  he  was  summoned  home  on 
the  death  of  Wolsey  in  1530,  and  offered  the  magnifi- 
cent bribe  of  the  Archbishopric  of  York  or  the  See  of 
Winchester.  He  had  the  courage  to  refuse,  and  was 
thankful  to  escape  once  more  in  1532,  when  he  left 
England  on  his  long  exile  of  so  many  years. 

He  first  settled  at  Avignon,  as  a  quiet  place  of 


38  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

study  where  he  might  avoid  political  complications, 
and  here  it  was  that  he  made  the  acquaintance  of 
Sadoleto,  Bishop  of  Carpentras,  near  by.  They 
had  similar  tastes  and  opinions  both  on  literary  and 
religious  matters,  so  that  a  warm  friendship  grew 
up  between  them,  which  lasted  till  they  were  severed 
by  death.  This  made  another  link  between  Pole 
and  many  distinguished  and  learned  men  who  had 
belonged  to  the  Oratory  of  Divine  Love.  On  his 
return  to  Padua,  in  1532,  the  young  Englishman 
renewed  his  old  friendships  and  won  the  hearts  of 
some  new  admirers.  One  was  Alvise  Priuli,  a  young 
patrician  of  Venice  whose  two  brothers  were  raised 
later  to  the  dignity  of  Doge,  and  the  other  was 
Gasparo  Contarini,  the  famous  Cardinal  whose  history 
we  have  already  told. 

Reginald  Pole  appears  to  have  had  a  gift  for 
friendship ;  he  was  a  man  who  could  not  bear  to  be 
alone  and  who  always  had  some  devoted  companion 
by  his  side.  At  Venice,  he  met  Caraffa,  whom  he 
calls  "  a  most  holy  and  learned  man,"  and  with  whom 
he  was  so  much  associated  later  on  the  subject  of 
reform.  He  was  chiefly  engaged  at  this  time  on  his 
book,  *'De  Unitate,"  in  which  he  expressed  his  views 
on  the  conduct  of  Henry  VIII  in  the  most  outspoken 
manner,  trying  to  win  him  over  to  repentance,  for  he 
had  the  courage  to  send  it  to  the  King,  immediately 
after  the  execution  of  Anne  Boleyn.  Henry  VIII, 
who  some  years  before  had  desired  him  to  write  on 
the  subject  ("  the  Unity  of  the  Church  "),  was  furious, 
and  commanded  Pole  to  return  to  England,  but  from 
this  his  friends  strongly  dissuaded  him.  He  had 
already  sacrificed  much  for  his  opinions,  as  he  was 
now  almost  destitute,  and  no  longer  lived  in  state 


LIFE   OF  CARDINAL  POLE  39 

and   magnificence,   for  all    his    supplies    had    been 
stopped. 

Pole  was  summoned  to  Rome  to  take  part  in  the 
consultations  on  the  "  Consilium/'  and  in  1537,  he, 
Caraf!a  and  Sadoleto  were  all  made  Cardinals  by- 
Paul  III  to  reward  them  for  their  labours.  There 
was  dismay  in  England  at  Pole's  promotion,  but 
the  Emperor  was  well  pleased  as  this  put  an  end 
to  the  long-suggested  scheme  of  marrying  him  to 
the  Princess  Mary.  The  Pope  next  commissioned  him 
as  Legate  to  England,  but  when  attempts  were 
made  upon  his  life  on  the  way  and  a  great  price  was 
set  on  his  head,  he  was  not  suffered  to  go  farther  than 
Li^ge.  The  English  King's  rage  knew  no  bounds ; 
Pole's  eldest  brother  Montague  and  his  cousin  Exeter 
were  tried  for  high  treason  and  beheaded.  In  the 
midst  of  his  terrible  grief,  Reginald  Pole  was  sent  on 
a  legation  to  Spain  and  then  to  the  Court  of  France. 
But  still  deeper  domestic  sorrow  was  to  follow,  for 
later,  by  an  Act  of  Attainder  and  the  King's  warrant, 
the  revered  and  venerable  Lady  Margaret  Pole, 
mother  of  the  Cardinal,  was  put  to  death,  and  as 
far  as  it  could  be  carried  out,  all  her  family  were 
exterminated. 

It  was  not  long  after  this  tragedy,  that  Pole  was 
appointed  by  the  Pope  to  the  government  of  Viterbo, 
a  most  important  post.  This  was  in  August  1541, 
and  here  it  was  that  he  was  brought  much  into 
contact  with  one  of  his  greatest  friends  in  Italy, 
Vittoria  Colonna,  Marchesa  di  Pescara.  The  story 
of  this  noble  lady  is  so  well  known  that  it  will  only 
be  needful  briefly  to  allude  to  her  earlier  life. 

Born  in  1490,  Vittoria  was  the  daughter  of  Fabrizio 
Colonna,  and  was  married  at  nineteen  to  the  young 


40  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Marchese  di  Pescara,  to  whom  she  was  greatly 
devoted  and  whose  death  after  the  battle  of  Pavia, 
in  1525,  was  the  great  sorrow  of  her  life.  Hence- 
forth she  turned  away  from  the  brilliant  social  and 
literary  life  of  which  this  talented  Roman  lady  was 
so  great  an  ornament,  and  devoted  her  poetical  talent 
to  the  memory  of  her  beloved  husband,  and  to  religious 
influences  which  became  stronger  with  time.  It  is 
with  this  side  of  Vittoria's  character  that  we  are  now 
specially  interested. 

In  the  first  desolation  of  her  widowhood  she  retired 
to  the  Convent  of  San  Silvestro,  but  the  Pope  inter- 
posed to  prevent  her  taking  the  veil,  and  it  is  very 
doubtful  if  such  a  life  of  absolute  seclusion  would 
have  suited  her.  Henceforth  religion  was  certainly 
the  key-note  of  her  life,  but  her  eager  restless  spirit, 
her  versatile  tastes  and  interests,  her  keen  desire  for 
deeper  knowledge  in  religious  matters,  would  never 
have  suffered  her  to  be  contented  with  the  stagnant 
life  of  a  nunnery.  She  was  a  woman  of  many  friends 
and,  as  we  learn  from  her  wide  correspondence,  one 
of  the  earliest,  at  this  critical  time  of  her  life,  was  the 
pious  old  Bishop  of  Verona,  Gian  Matteo  Giberti. 
In  his  letters  he  paid  her  the  high  compliment  of 
dwelling  upon  his  desire  for  stringent  reforms  in  the 
Church,  not  only  in  matters  of  discipline  but  in 
returning  to  the  simpler  creed  of  the  early  days  of 
Christianity.  Cardinal  Contarini  also  wrote  to  her 
in  the  same  strain,  and  dwelt  at  some  length  on  his 
central  doctrine  of  Justification  by  Faith.  Thus  was 
awakened  in  the  heart  of  Vittoria  a  keen  interest  in 
the  new  movement  for  Reform,  which  is  so  noticeable 
in  her  eagerness  to  obtain  and  read  the  works  of 
Valdes  and  other  Reformers. 


LIFE  OF  CARDINAL  POLE  41 

Pietro  Bembo  was  another  of  her  early  friends  who 
remained  devoted  to  her  through  life.  This  dis- 
tinguished man  of  letters  highly  admired  her  poetry 
and  they  addressed  sonnets  to  each  other  ;  but  in 
the  later  years,  their  correspondence  touched  upon 
more  serious  matters.  They  both  came  under  the 
influence  of  that  marvellous  preacher,  Bernardino 
Ochino,  born  in  Siena  1487,  who  became  General  of 
the  Osservanza,  and  then  joined  the  stricter  rule  of 
the  Cappucini.  She  had  first  made  his  acquaintance 
in  Rome,  and  is  afterwards  constantly  found  in  the 
various  cities  where  he  preaches.  At  Bembo's  re- 
quest, she  induced  the  eloquent  friar  to  go  to  Venice 
for  the  Lent  sermons,  and  her  friend  thus  writes  to 
thank  her. 

"February  23,   1539. 

"  I  send  your  most  illustrious  Ladyship  the  par- 
ticulars of  our  very  reverend  Frate  Bernardino,  whom 
I  have  heard  all  the  days  of  this  present  Lent  with 
such  great  pleasure  as  I  cannot  adequately  describe. 
I  confess  that  I  never  heard  anyone  preach  more 
usefully  or  devoutly  than  he.  Neither  do  I  wonder 
that  your  Ladyship  loves  him  as  much  as  you  do. 
He  is  very  different  from  all  the  others  who  have 
occupied  the  pulpit  in  my  time  ;  he  speaks  in  a  more 
Christian  manner  and  with  a  more  lively  charm,  and 
of  better  and  more  profitable  things.  He  pleases 
everybody  beyond  measure  and  I  believe,  when  he 
goes,  he  will  carry  away  with  him  the  hearts  of  all 
this  city.  For  all  that  we  owe  undying  thanks  to 
your  Ladyship,  who  sent  him  to  us,  and  I,  more  than 
others,  feel  eternally  obliged  to  you." 

In  other  letters  Bembo  speaks  in  the  same  strain. 


42  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

"  I  am  speaking  to  your  Ladyship  in  the  same 
strain  as  I  spoke  this  morning  to  the  reverend  Father, 
Frate  Bernardino,  to  whom  I  opened  all  my  heart 
and  mind  as  I  would  have  opened  them  to  Jesus 
Christ,  to  Whom  I  believe  him  to  be  most  dear  and 
acceptable,  nor  do  I  think  I  ever  spoke  with  a  holier 
man  than  he.'' 

Again  he  says  : 

"  Our  Frate  Bernardino — whom  I  shall  henceforth 
call  mine  in  speaking  to  you — is  now  adored  in  this 
city  ;  there  is  neither  man  nor  woman  here  who  does 
not  praise  him  to  the  skies.  0  how  great  his  influence 
is,  how  he  pleases,  how  strongly  he  helps  us  !  " 

In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  Vittoria  heard 
Ochino  preach  in  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Gennaro  in 
Naples.  This  splendid  building  was  crowded  to 
suffocation,  and  we  are  told  that  the  Frate  spoke  in 
strong  impassioned  language  against  luxury  and  vice  ; 
then  with  soft  persuasive  eloquence  preached  on  the 
truths  of  the  Gospel,  dwelling  fully  upon  justification 
by  faith,  and  on  the  joy  and  happiness  of  walking 
in  the  love  of  God  and  the  ways  of  holiness.  He 
struck  a  more  personal  note  than  men  had  ever 
heard,  dwelling  upon  the  Bible  promises,  until  men 
began  to  see  that  in  the  Gospel  all  were  invited  to 
share  its  blessing. 

"  Then  the  unlearned  artisan  and  even  the  women 
ventured  to  converse  upon  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul 
and  to  compare  one  text  with  another.  There  was 
so  great  a  spiritual  awakening,  that  when  Bernardino 


LIFE  OF  CARDINAL  POLE  43 

left  Naples,  numbers  took  to  study  the  Bible  as  the 
chief  authority  in  matters  of  Faith." 

It  is  interesting  to  remember  that  this  was  the 
teacher  in  whom  Vittoria  delighted  more  than  any 
other,  during  six  years  of  her  life,  from  1536  until 
the  tragic  ending  in  1542,  which  will  be  fully  described 
later.  So  great  was  her  interest  in  matters  of  re- 
ligion, more  especially  in  the  new  movement  of 
Reform,  that  when  Cardinal  Contarini  published  his 
"  Epistola  de  Justificatione  "  at  Ratisbon,  concerning 
the  questions  of  Free  Will  and  Justification  by  Faith, 
Bembo  immediately  sent  it  to  the  Marchesa.  This 
is  the  more  important  in  that  Contarini's  definition 
of  the  vexed  point  of  "  justification ''  was  the  one 
actually  accepted  by  the  Protestant  party  under 
Melanchthon  and  Bucer.  As  the  Council  drew  up 
sixteen  heads  and  thirty  anathemas  on  the  subject  of 
"  Justification,"  I  will  refer  the  reader  to  a  standard 
book  on  the  subject  for  full  particulars.*  Luther 
and  the  Pope  were  less  moderate,  and  could  come 
to  no  compromise  on  the  subject. 

In  the  religious  poems  of  Vittoria  Colonna  it  is 
worthy  of  notice  that  she  ever  clings  to  the  Gospel 
simplicity  of  the  Christian  Faith  ;  Christ  the  Sacrifice, 
and  the  Mediator,  is  ever  her  favourite  theme.  In 
her  sequence  of  sonnets  on  the  Passion,  there  is  a 
very  beautiful  one  beginning,  "  Veggio  in  croce  il 
Signer  nudo  e  disteso,"  and  another  on  "  Good 
Friday,"  which  may  be  rendered  thus  in  English : 

"  The  angels,  to  eternal  bliss  elect, 
Desire  this  day  to  suffer  painful  death 


*  Dr.    Harold    Browne,     Exposition    of    the    Thirty-nine    Articles, 
Historical  and  Doctrinal,  p.  286,  Article  XI, 


44  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Lest  in  the  Courts  celestial  it  befall 

The  servant  be  more  favoured  than  his  Lord. 

Man's  ancient  mother  weeps  the  fatal  deed 

That  closed  the  gates  of  Heaven  against  her  sons  ; 

The  two  pierced  hands  she  weeps,  whose  work  of  grace 

Found  for  His  own  the  path  which  she  had  lost. 

The  sun  in  dread  doth  veil  his  shining  orb, 

The  living  rocks  are  torn,  the  mountains  burst, 

Earth  and  sky  tremble  and  the  waters  quake. 

The  evil  spirits  weep,  who  wish  us  ill. 

The  added  burden  of  their  captive  chains. 

Man  only  weeps  not,  yet  was  weeping  born." 

As  another  token  of  the  spiritual  nature  of  her 
religious  faith,  a  touching  Latin  prayer  of  hers  is  too 
typical  of  her  character  to  omit. 

"  Grant,  I  beseech  Thee,  Lord,  that  by  the  humility 
that  becomes  the  creature,  and  by  the  pride  Thy 
greatness  demands,  I  may  adore  Thee  always,  and 
that  in  the  fear  Thy  justice  imposes,  as  in  the  hope 
Thy  clemency  justifies,  I  may  live  eternally  and 
submit  to  Thee  as  the  Almighty,  follow  Thee  as  the 
All-wise,  and  turn  towards  Thee  as  towards  perfection 
and  goodness.  I  beseech  Thee,  most  tender  Father, 
that  Thy  living  fire  may  purify  me.  Thy  radiant 
light  illumine  me  ;  that,  never  finding  let  or  hindrance 
in  things  of  this  world,  I  may  return  to  Thee  in  happi- 
ness and  safety.'"    (Translation.) 


CHAPTER   V 

RELIGIOUS   CIRCLE   AT  VITERBO 

The  Oratory  of  Divine  Love  at  Viterbo — Cardinal  Pole — Vittoria 
Colonna — Marcantonio  Flaminio,  poet  and  philosopher — The 
"  Beneficio,"  a  Uttle  golden  book — Life  of  Bernardino  Ochino — 
His  marvellous  preaching — His  persecution  and  flight — The 
effect  on  Pole  and  Vittoria  Colonna. 

In  his  beautiful  home  at  Viterbo,  Cardinal  Pole  was 
the  central  figure  of  one  of  the  rarest  and  most 
interesting  literary  and  religious  gatherings  in  Italy. 
Amongst  those  who  assembled  in  the  Governor's 
palace  at  Viterbo,  we  have  already  noticed  the 
Marchesa  di  Pescara,  whose  friendship  with  the 
Cardinal  was  already  of  some  years'  duration.  When 
Reginald  Pole  met  her  in  Rome  in  1536,  he  saw  that 
"  the  Lady  Vittoria  was  injuring  her  health  by  too 
much  fasting  and  mortification  of  the  flesh,  and  he 
gently  reminded  her  that  the  Christian  is  bound  to 
take  care  of  the  tabernacle  of  the  body  until  it  pleases 
God  to  release  him  from  it." 

His  remonstrance  was  effectual,  "  so  that  lady 
began  to  mitigate  the  austerity  of  her  life  and  brought 
it,  little  by  little,  to  a  reasonable  and  honest  modera- 
tion." In  a  letter  written  later  by  Vittoria  to  Giulia 
Gonzaga,  she  says  :  "I  therefore  who  owe  the  health 
of  my  soul  and  that  of  my  body  to  his  Illustrissimo 
Reverendissimo ;    for  the  one  through  superstition 

45 


46  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

and  the  other  through  ill-government  stood  in 
peril " 

Amongst  the  distinguished  company  who  here 
carried  on  the  traditions  of  the  once  famous  "  Oratory 
of  Divine  Love,"  at  Rome,  but  as  we  shall  see  with 
far  more  advanced  and  reformed  religious  doctrines, 
one  of  the  most  leading  spirits  was  Marcantonio 
Flaminio,  the  Latin  poet.  He  was  born  in  1498,  the 
son  of  Giannatonio,  Professor  of  Literature  at  Sera- 
ville  near  Treviso,  and  was  early  distinguished  for 
his  precocious  talent.  His  Latin  poems  attracted 
the  attention  of  Leo  X,  who  gave  him  a  warm  welcome 
at  Rome  and  was  a  generous  patron  to  him.  The 
youth's  pastoral  poem,  the  "  Arcadia,"  was  as  much 
admired  as  his  Latin  work,  "  De  partu  Virginis."  He 
visited  Naples  and  there  had  many  admirers,  and  the 
following  year  was  invited  by  Baldassare  Castiglione 
to  the  Court  of  Urbino.  In  memory  of  this  visit, 
he  composed  an  Eclogue  under  the  name  of  Thyrsis, 
in  which  he  sang  the  praise  of  Castiglione.  In  1522, 
he  joined  a  literary  Academy  at  Genoa,  for  a  time 
under  the  guidance  of  Stefano  Sauli,  and  next  passed 
into  the  service  of  Gian  Matteo  Giberti,  who  was 
then  living  at  Padua. 

Marcantonio  was  thus  a  friend  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished literary  men  of  his  day  and  was  looked 
upon  as  a  talented  young  poet.  He  accompanied 
Giberti  to  his  See  of  Verona,  and  it  was  here  that  he 
applied  himself  to  the  study  of  Aristotle  and  trans- 
lated into  Latin  and  paraphrased  the  twelfth  book  of 
his  Metci'physics.  In  the  religious  atmosphere  of 
the  good  Bishop's  society,  Flaminio  soon  turned  his 
talents  to  the  study  of  sacred  subjects,  and  devoted 
his  time  to  a  beautiful  paraphrase  of  thirty-two  of 


RELIGIOUS  CIRCLE  AT  VITERBO       47 

the  Psalms,  a  work  which  was  printed  at  Venice  in 
1537.  When  he  began  to  read  the  Scriptures  with 
an  open  candid  mind,  he  could  not  resist  painful 
doubts  on  some  points  of  doctrine,  and  as  he  came 
across  the  works  of  the  German  Reformers,  he  became 
more  and  more  troubled  in  mind.  At  this  critical 
time,  being  obliged  to  leave  Rome  on  account  of  his 
health,  Marcantonio  went  to  Naples,  and  here  under 
the  teaching  of  Valdes,  he  found  rest  for  his  soul  in 
accepting  the  simple  truths  of  the  Gospel.  He 
occupied  himself  in  translating  many  of  the  works  of 
Valdes  into  Italian,  and  threw  himself  with  en- 
thusiasm into  the  improvement  and  revision  of  a 
little  book  on  :  "  II  Beneficio  della  morte  di  Cristo," 
believed  to  have  been  the  work  of  a  Benedictine 
monk — Benedetto  of  Mantua — who  wrote  it  in  his 
monastery  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Etna. 

This  "  little  golden  book  "  became  the  "  Credo  of 
the  Italian  Reformation,"  for  as  Vergerio  says : 
*'  Nothing  was  ever  printed  so  entirely  pious  and 
simple,  or  so  adapted  to  teach  the  weak  and  ignorant, 
especially  in  the  matter  of  *  justification  by  faith/  " 
The  "  Beneficio  "  consists  of  six  chapters  ;  and  begins 
with  man's  state  before  he  sinned,  describes  his 
condition  afterwards,  points  out  the  purpose  of  the 
Jewish  dispensation,  and  asserts  that  '*  Justification, 
remission  of  sins  and  our  entire  salvation  depend 
upon  Christ  alone."  Origen,  Basil,  Ambrose,  Hilary, 
Augustine  and  Bernard  are  quoted,  to  show  that 
their  works  contain  a  foreshadowing  of  the  same 
truth  of  a  free  salvation  without  the  works  of  the 
Law. 

This  book  was  destined  later  to  have  an  immense 
success,  when  it  was  printed  in  Rome  and  Venice  to 


48  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

the  number  of  40,000  copies.  But  when  Flaminio  came 
to  Viterbo,  after  the  death  of  Valdes,  he  brought  the 
"  Beneficio  "  in  MS.  and  it  was  one  of  the  chief  books 
discussed  and  delighted  in  by  the  reunion  of  pious 
students.    Pole  wrote  to  Contarini  from  Viterbo : 

"  The  rest  of  the  day  I  spend  in  the  good  and 
useful  company  of  Signor  Carnesecchi  and  our 
Messer  Marcantonio  Flaminio  .  .  .  and  I  may  indeed 
call  it  edifying  because  in  the  evening  Marcantonio 
reads  to  us  and  so  gives  us  a  portion  of  that  spiritual 
food  which  does  not  perish,  in  such  a  manner  that 
I  do  not  remember  ever  having  received  greater 
consolation  and  edification.  ..." 

Other  books  which  this  religious  society  discussed 
with  intense  interest  were  translations  of  the  works 
of  Juan  Valdes,  such  as  the  "110  Considerationes  " ; 
some  of  these  were  brought  by  Flaminio,  while  others 
were  sent  by  the  Lady  Giulia  Gonzaga,  who  also 
presented  Cardinal  Pole  with  *'  conserves  of  roses.'* 
Of  Pietro  Carnesecchi,  we  shall  have  much  to  say 
later,  when  the  story  is  told  of  the  circle  of  Valdes 
and  his  followers  at  Naples  ;  by  far  the  most  impor- 
tant of  all  the  centres  of  the  Italian  Reformation. 

It  is  a  striking  fact  that  this  devout  and  much- 
appreciated  book  of  the  "  Beneficio  ''  was  placed  upon 
the  Index  of  prohibited  works  by  Monsignor  della 
Cosa,  Nuncio  at  Venice,  in  1549,  and  the  Inquisition 
made  such  a  determined  effort  to  stamp  it  out,  that 
for  a  long  time  it  was  believed  that  every  copy 
had  been  destroyed.  Moreover,  all  those  who  were 
known  to  have  read  it,  were  condemned  for  heresy 
on  that  charge  alone. 


i?aJi^ina/y  c  A 


RELIGIOUS  CIRCLE  AT    VITERBO      49 

Vittoria  Colonna  appears  to  have  thoroughly 
enjoyed  the  earlier  part  of  her  stay  at  Viterbo,  where 
she  dwelt  in  the  secluded  Dominican  Convent  of 
Santa  Caterina,  but  spending  many  hours  every  day 
in  the  religious  discussions  which  took  place  in  the 
Governor's  palace.  In  a  letter,  dated  December  8, 
1541,  which  she  wrote  to  Giulia  Gonzaga,  she  specially 
mentions  her  pleasure  in  the  profitable  society  of 
Flaminio,  Priuli  and  Carnesecchi,  besides  that  of 
Cardinal  Pole.  She  alludes  to  meeting  Giulia  at 
Fondi,  and  expresses  a  strong  desire  to  see  her  again, 
adding : 

*'  It  would  indeed  be  well  that  your  Ladyship 
should  revisit  your  country  in  Lombardy  for  a  while, 
now  that  you  are  so  well  instructed  about  the  celestial 
country  .  .  .  and  we  should  indeed  rejoice  if  as  you 
pass  by  here,  you  could  stay  a  couple  of  months.  .  .  . 
I  have  heard  that  your  Ladyship  has  sent  us  the 
Commentary  of  St.  Paul  [by  Valdes],  which  was 
greatly  desired,  and  especially  by  me  as  I  have  the 
most  need  of  it ;  wherefore  I  thank  you  the  most, 
and  will  thank  you  more  when  I  see  you,  please  God.'^ 

It  is  curious  to  remember  that  this  letter  and  the 
most  intimate  accounts  of  Vittoria 's  religious  life 
were  discovered  in  the  secret  records  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion, when  twenty  years  after  her  death,  she  was 
arraigned  for  heresy  before  that  ghoulish  tribunal. 
All  that  she  said  and  did  was  watched  by  spies, 
and  not  only  was  she  herself  condemned,  but  all  her 
friends,  her  brother  Ascanio,  and  even  the  nuns  of 
her  convent  at  Viterbo  were  looked  upon  as  tainted 
with  her  heresy. 
4 


50  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

There  is  a  strange  irony  of  fate  in  this,  for  it  waa 
here,  in  Viterbo,  in  the  midst  of  their  peaceful  dis- 
cussions on  justification  by  faith  and  kindred  sub- 
jects, that  the  thunderbolt  fell,  which  drove  Cardinal 
Pole  and  Vittoria  Colonna  back,  in  dismay,  to  the 
arms  of  the  Church.  It  was  nothing  less  than  a 
letter  from  Frate  Bernardino  Ochino,  to  the  Marchesa 
di  Pescara,  hitherto  his  devoted  pupil  and  friend,  to 
say  that  he  had  been  accused  of  heresy  by  the 
Roman  authorities,  that  he  was  about  to  depart  from 
Italy,  and  justifying  his  decision. 

In  order  to  understand  how  this  catastrophe  had 
come  to  pass,  it  will  be  needful  to  touch  upon  the 
life  of  Ochino  during  several  years  before  that  fatal 
August  1542,  when  flight  seemed  to  him  his  only 
refuge.  In  1534,  he  had  resigned  his  position  of 
General  of  the  Observants  to  join  the  Capuchins — 
the  most  austere  and  ascetic  of  all  the  religious 
bodies — as  a  simple  friar.  In  the  following  year, 
when  Clement  VII  had  been  reluctantly  persuaded 
to  expel  the  Capuchins  from  Rome,  Vittoria  Colonna 
hastened  from  Marino  to  advocate  their  cause.  This 
was  the  first  time  she  was  brought  into  personal 
relation  with  Ochino  ;  and  it  is  interesting  to  remem- 
ber that  Caterina  Cibo,  Duchess  of  Camerino,  also 
hurriedly  travelled  from  Florence  on  the  same  mission, 
for  both  great  ladies  were  warm  admirers  of  the 
religious  Order  of  Capuchins.  They  were  successful 
in  their  mission,  for  Pope  Clement  relented. 

From  this  time  we  may  date  Ochino 's  marvellous 
and  unique  success  as  a  preacher,  to  which  we  have 
already  alluded.  His  published  sermons  are  most 
striking  and  interesting,  and  a  careful  study  of  them 
shows  the  gradual  change  which  was  taking  place 


RELIGIOUS  CIRCLE  AT  VITERBO      51 

in  him,  towards  a  more  earnest  and  simple  faith  ; 
a  religion  of  the  heart  rather  than  of  outward  observ- 
ances. We  also  gain  a  vivid  insight  into  the  state 
of  his  religious  opinions  at  this  time  in  the  "  Seven 
Dialogues,"  in  most  of  which  the  conversation  is 
carried  on  between  the  Friar  and  the  Duchess  Caterina 
Cibo,  whose  story  will  be  told  in  connection  with 
the  Reforming  centre  at  Florence. 

Bernardino  Ochino  had  been  elected  Vicar-General 
of  the  Capuchins  in  1538,  but  when  his  Order  wished 
to  elect  him  for  another  three  years  in  1541,  his 
friends  had  much  difficulty  in  persuading  him  to 
accept  the  honour.  He  had  also  been  appointed 
Apostolical  missionary  by  Paul  III.  It  had  long 
been  a  time  of  painful  struggle  between  his  inner 
conviction  and  his  feeling  of  loyalty  towards  the 
Roman  Church,  for  he  had  been  brought  into  close 
communion  with  the  learned  and  pious  Juan  Valdes 
at  Naples,  and  had  taken  a  definite  place  as  one 
of  his  disciples  in  the  reformed  doctrines.  Amongst 
his  fellow  students  were  Flaminio,  Paleario,  Carnesec- 
chi,  Pietro  Martire  Vermigli,^  Galeazzo  Caraccioli, 
the  Lady  Giulia  Gonzaga  and  many  others,  whose 
names  are  in  the  roll-call  of  martyrs.  All  these  were 
devoted  to  the  one  aim  of  attaining  a  purer  form  of 
Christianity,  and  of  showing  it  forth  in  their  own 
lives.  Absorbed  in  these  thoughts,  Ochino  asked 
himself,  as  the  people  thronged  to  listen  to  his  words, 
and  looked  upon  him  as  one  inspired  : 

"  Shall  I  continue  to  preach  Christ  in  masked 
jargon  ?  "   and  his  heart  burnt  within  him. 

He  was  deeply  agitated  by  this  struggle  between 
his  office  and  his  convictions,  and  was  preaching  in 

^  Better  known  as  Peter  Martyr,  in  England. 


52  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

Venice  when  his  friend  GiuHo  Terenziano,  a  teacher 
of  theology  and  a  pupil  of  Valdes,  was  thrown  into 
prison  on  account  of  his  religious  opinions.  Upon 
hearing  this,  Ochino  could  no  longer  restrain  him- 
self ;  in  a  sermon  before  the  Senate  and  chief  citizens 
of  Venice,  he  cried  aloud  in  anguish  : 

"  Oh  sirs,  what  remains  for  us  to  do  ?  To  what 
end  do  we  waste  and  consume  our  lives  ?  If  in  thee, 
0  most  noble  city  of  Venice,  Queen  of  the  Adriatic 
— if  in  thee,  I  say,  those  who  announce  to  you  the 
truth  are  here  imprisoned,  loaded  with  chains  and 
fetters,  what  place  then  remains  to  us,  what  other 
field  is  free  for  the  Word  of  God  ?  Would  to  God 
that  we  might  but  preach  the  truth  freely  !  How 
many  blind  eyes  would  be  opened,  and  how  many 
stumbling  in  the  dark  would  be  illuminated  !  " 

From  that  moment,  Ochino  knew  that  a  sword 
hung  over  his  head.  He  was  at  once  denounced  by 
the  Nuncio,  and  forbidden  to  preach,  but  all  the 
citizens  rose  up  in  defence  of  their  preacher.  Giulio 
remained  a  prisoner,  and  it  was  not  until  some  years 
later  that  he  succeeded  in  escaping  to  the  Valtelline, 
where  he  became  minister  of  an  Evangelical  congre- 
gation. Bernardino  went  to  Verona  and  there  began 
a  course  of  lectures  on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  the 
members  of  his  Order,  and  remained  in  the  most 
intimate  daily  converse  with  the  venerable  Bishop 
Giberti.  Soon  after,  he  received  a  citation  to  Rome 
from  the  newly  established  Inquisition.  Greatly 
troubled  in  mind,  he  took  counsel  with  the  gentle 
pious  Bishop,  who  trusted  everyone,  and  advised 
obedience   "  when   all   must   surely  be   set   right/' 


RELIGIOUS  CIRCLE  AT   VITERBO       53 

Ochino  knew  better.  He  was  quite  aware  that  per- 
secution and  probably  death  awaited  him  ;  still  he 
set  forth  on  his  journey.     He  says  : 

"  Although  I  knew  that  a  hard  struggle  was  awaiting 
me  in  Rome,  I  still  set  out  on  my  journey  thither.  I 
arrived  at  Bologna  ;  there  I  conversed  with  the  Car- 
dinal Contarini  who  was  on  his  sick-bed,  and  con- 
vinced myself  that  there  was  not  the  smallest  hope 
that  the  doctine  of  justification  would  be  received  at 
Rome.  Contarini  even  added  that  he  himself  had 
been  in  great  danger,  because  it  was  said  that  he  had 
not  sufficiently  opposed  the  Protestants  at  the  Diet. 
He  barely  escaped  death.  He  even  added,  in  a  low 
voice,  '  If  only  I  have  escaped  it.'  ^  I  made  answer  : 
*  If  they  have  dealt  thus  with  the  green  tree,  how 
shall  it  be  with  the  dry  V  " 

Ochino  was  now  certain  about  the  intentions  of 
the  Inquisition,  under  the  sway  of  the  implacable 
Cardinal  Caraffa.  Three  courses  were  open  to  him. 
If  he  went  to  Rome  and  retracted  all  his  convictions, 
he  had  good  reason  to  believe  that  he  would  be 
rewarded  with  the  purple.  If  on  the  other  hand  he 
resolved  to  remain  firm  in  his  faith,  he  was  privately 
informed  "  that  he  would  be  quietly  put  to  death  and 
buried  without  uproar.''  The  third  alternative  was 
flight,  and  this  he  chose.  His  letter  to  Vittoria 
Colonna  written  from  Florence  gives  a  faithful  picture 
of  his  agitation  and  grief : 

"  I  am  still  here  tormented  with  doubts,  having 
come  hither  with  the  intention  of  going  to  Rome, 

*  Poison  was  suspected. 


54  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

although  I  had  been  much  dissuaded  from  doing  so 
.  .  .  and  again  by  Don  Pietro  Martire  (VermigU) 
and  others,  for  I  should  be  forced  either  to  deny  Christ, 
or  to  be  crucified.  I  will  not  do  the  first ;  the  second 
only  with  His  grace,  if  He  Himself  wills  it.  I  feel  no 
call  to  go  to  death  of  my  own  free-will ;  if  it  is  God's 
will,  He  will  know  where  to  find  me.  Christ  has 
several  times  taught  us  to  flee  into  Egypt  and  to 
Samaria,  and  also  bade  us,  if  we  were  not  received  in 
one  city,  to  flee  into  another.  What  can  I  do  in 
Italy  ?  Preach  as  a  suspected  person,  and  preach 
Christ  obscurely,  under  a  mask  ?  .  .  .  For  this  and 
other  reasons  I  am  compelled  to  leave  Italy  entirely 
and  without  delay.  ...  I  am  the  same  person  your 
Ladyship  has  known.  Any  one  who  has  heard  me, 
can  give  an  account  of  my  doctrine.  They  have 
declared  me  a  heretic,  without  hearing  me.  It  is 
hard  for  me.  I  know  you  will  think  so.  .  .  .  It 
would  have  been  extremely  grateful  to  me  to  have 
your  opinion  or  that  of  Monsignor  Pole,  or  to  receive 
a  letter  from  you,  but  I  have  not  had  one  for  more 
than  a  month.  Pray  to  God  for  me  ;  I  desire  more 
than  ever  to  serve  Him  by  the  help  of  His  Grace. 
Salute  all.     Florence.     August  22,  1542." 

It  so  chanced  that  just  at  that  time  Peter  Martyr 
had  come  to  Florence  under  the  same  conditions  as 
his  friend,  for  he  had  been  cited  before  the  Augustinian 
Chapter  at  Genoa,  and  he  had  already  written  to 
inform  Cardinal  Pole  of  his  intention  of  flight.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  Martyr's  advice  and  example  in- 
fluenced Ochino's  decision  to  take  this  step,  which 
to  him  was  heart-breaking.  At  the  age  of  fifty-five, 
in  failing  health  and  practically  an  old  man,  worn 


RELIGIOUS  CIRCLE  AT  VITERBO       55 

out  with  his  ascetic  life,  his  constant  labours  and 
long  weary  journeys  ever  on  foot ;  losing  all  that 
he  loved  and  desired — exile  was  to  him  far  more 
bitter  than  death. 

But  Cardinal  Pole  had  no  compassion  for  a  ruined 
man,  a  proclaimed  heretic  ;  and  horrified  by  the 
scandal  of  Ochino's  flight,  his  only  thought  was  to 
save  himself,  his  high  position,  and  his  ambitious 
hopes  of  the  supreme  position  in  the  Church  which 
might  be  within  his  reach.  He  had  been  imprudent 
in  dallying  with  any  thought  of  reform  ;  all  un- 
consciously he  had  stepped  too  near  the  brink  of 
that  awful  yawning  gulf  of  heresy ;  and  his  only 
thought  was  to  save  himself  by  hurrying  back  into 
the  sheltered  fold  of  orthodoxy.  Under  his  stern 
direction,  Vittoria  Colonna  stifled  all  feelings  of 
sympathy  and  pity  for  the  once  revered  preacher, 
to  whom  she  owed  so  much  of  her  spiritual  life. 
Overruled  by  a  stronger  will,  which  she  had  not  the 
courage  to  resist,  she  weakly  yielded  before  the 
storm  of  obloquy  which  followed  Ochino's  flight, 
and  failed  him  in  the  hour  of  his  deepest  need.  The 
great  Roman  lady  also  had  her  position  to  consider 
as  a  shining  light  in  the  religious  circle  where  she  was 
looked  up  to  as  a  saintly  Queen  ;  like  Pole,  she  had 
too  much  to  lose,  and  her  inner  convictions  were  not 
strong  enough  to  make  her  face  shame  and  persecu- 
tion on  a  charge  of  heresy.  They  both  shuddered 
at  their  narrow  escape,  and  henceforth  would  run  no 
risks. 

There  was  to  be  no  more  playing  with  fire — no 
reading  of  anything  not  stamped  with  the  approval 
of  the  new  Inquisition — for  we  find  Vittoria  some- 
what sharply  reproved  for  her  "  curiosity  "  in  desiring 


56  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

to  read  the  Scriptures,  the  Expositions  of  Valdes,  and 
such-like.  She  was  positively  forbidden  to  hold  any 
communication  with  the  excommunicated  heretic,  as 
we  see  in  this  letter,  which  she  sent  in  a  parcel  she 
had  received  from  Geneva,  to  Cardinal  Cervini. 

"  Most  Reverend  Monsignor,  .  .  . 

"  The  more  opportunity  I  have  had  of  observing 
the  actions  of  the  most  reverend  Monsignor  of  Eng- 
land [Pole],  the  more  he  seems  to  me  a  true  and  most 
sincere  servant  of  God.  So  when  in  his  charity,  he 
condescends  to  answer  any  question  of  mine,  I  think 
I  am  secure  from  error  in  following  his  advice.  And 
since  he  told  me  that,  in  his  opinion,  if  a  letter  or 
anything  else  should  come  to  me  from  Era  Bernardino, 
I  had  better  send  it  to  your  most  reverend  Lordship 
without  answering  it.  Having  to-day  received  the 
enclosed  with  the  little  book  which  you  will  see,  I 
send  them  to  you  at  once.  The  whole  was  in  one 
packet,  without  any  other  writing  inside,  and  was 
sent  by  an  express  courier  who  came  from  Bologna, 
and  I  have  chosen  to  send  it  on  to  you  by  one  of  my 
servants.  I  beg  your  Lordship  will  pardon  my 
giving  you  this  trouble,  although  as  you  see,  it  is  in 
print.  And  our  Lord  God  preserve  your  most 
reverend  Lordship's  person  in  that  happy  life  which 
all  your  servants  desire  for  you. 

**  From  Santa  Caterina  di  Viterbo.     December  4, 
1542. 

"  Your  most  reverend  and  most 

illustrious  Lordship's  servant, 

"  The  Marchesa  di  Pescara. 

"  It  grieves   me   exceedingly  that,   the   more   he 


RELIGIOUS  CIRCLE  AT  VITERBO      57 

thinks  to  excuse  himself,  the  more  he  accuses  himself, 
and  the  more  he  thinks  to  save  others  from  shipwreck, 
the  more  he  exposes  them  to  the  deluge,  being  himself 
outside  that  Ark  which  secures  and  saves." 

It  was  the  last  blow  to  the  exiled  Ochino  that  his 
dearest  friend  should  have  been  so  alienated  from 
him  that  she  never  sent  any  answer  to  his  most 
pathetic  defence,  indeed  that  she  was  probably 
forbidden  to  read  it.  We  do  not  know  how  much 
Vittoria  may  have  grieved  in  secret,  but  she  was 
certainly  very  ill  almost  immediately  after  the  date 
of  this  letter,  which  was  in  fact  a  kind  of  betrayal 
of  one  she  had  loved  and  trusted. 

In  a  letter  of  her  wise  physician  Fracastoro,  he 
alludes  to  some  "  trouble  of  the  mind  which  becomes 
a  tyrant,  wastes  and  destroys  the  soundness  of  the 
body.  ...  I  fancy  that  all  the  Marchesa's  sufferings 
have  their  origin  in  this."  Broken  in  health,  she 
returned  to  Rome  at  the  end  of  1544,  and  made  her 
home  in  the  Benedictine  Convent  of  Santa  Anna 
de'  Funari,  in  the  quarter  of  St.  Eustachio,  on  the 
site  of  the  ruined  Circus  Flaminius.  Here  she  lived  in 
seclusion,  but  her  great  friendship  with  Michelangelo, 
which  was  so  deep  a  joy  and  comfort  to  them  both, 
was  unbroken  until  her  death,  which  occurred  on 
February  25,  1547.  She  saw  much  of  Cardinal  Pole, 
who  remained  the  director  of  her  conscience,  and  as 
time  passed  on,  she  had  the  sorrow  of  losing  many  of 
those  she  loved — Cardinal  Giberti,  her  nephew  the 
Marchese  del  Vasto,  and  the  faithful  Bembo,  amongst 
others. 

As  for  Reginald  Pole,  his  later  life  does  not  concern 
us,  except  in  so  far  that  we  know  how  he  sought  to 


68  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

purge  himself  from  all  suspicion  of  heresy,  by  cruel 
persecution  of  rebels  against  the  Pope  in  England. 
But  the  declaration  in  his  Will  that  "  he  had  always 
held  the  Pope,  and  this  one  in  particular  [Paul  IV], 
to  be  the  true  successor  of  St.  Peter,  and  the  Vicar 
of  Christ,  and  that  he  had  always  revered  and  obeyed 
him  as  such,  nor  had  he  differed  from  him  in  anything, 
nor  from  the  opinion  of  the  Roman  Church  ..."  was 
a  great  blow  to  his  reformed  friends  in  Italy.  Car- 
nesecchi  wrote  : 

"  It  has  pleased  me  wonderfully  that  Donna  Giulia 
has  not  approved  of  the  declaration  made  by  the 
Cardinal  of  England,  being  superfluous,  not  to  say 
scandalous,  especially  at  this  time.  .  .  .  What  a 
difference  from  the  teaching  of  Valdes,  and  how  this 
verifies  the  proverb  : 

"  '  The  end  shows  forth  the  life,  the  evening  praises 
the  day  ! '  " 


CHAPTER    VI 

CATERINA    CIBO,    DUCHESS    OF    CAMERINO 

Caterina  Cibo,  Duchess  of  Camerino — Ochino  finda  a  refuge  in  her 
palace  at  Florence — Story  of  Caterina's  life — Early  marriage — 
Stormy  adventures — A  warrior  princess,  she  defends  her  home — 
Leaves  Camerino  to  her  daughter  GiuUa,  married  to  Guidobaldo 
of  Urbino — Caterina  settles  in  Florence — An  earnest  Reformer — 
Her  religious  dialogues  with  Ochino. 

When  Bernardino  Ochino  had  come  to  the  bitter 
decision  that  flight  was  inevitable,  it  was  in  the 
palace  at  Florence  of  Caterina  Cibo,  Duchess  of 
Camerino,  that  he  took  refuge.  This  noble  lady  had 
listened  year  after  year  to  his  stirring,  eloquent 
sermons,  she  had  held  earnest  converse  with  him  as 
her  spiritual  teacher,  and  in  the  hour  of  his  necessity 
she  did  not  forsake  him.  With  eager  hospitality, 
she  gave  him  a  refuge  at  the  risk  of  disgrace  and 
condemnation  for  herself ;  she  provided  the  friar 
with  lay  garments  and  all  that  was  needful  for  his 
long  and  dangerous  journey. 

Undistinguished  as  Florence  might  be  as  a  centre 
of  Reform,  for  the  sake  of  Caterina  alone,  and  the 
literary  and  religious  meetings  under  her  roof,  it 
would  be  worthy  of  notice.  But  in  this  city  of  the 
Medici,  many  famous  Reformers  were  born,  only  to 
mention  Pietro  Carnesecchi,  Pietro  Martire  Vermigli, 
and  Bruccioli  and  Teofilo,  the  well-known  translators 
of  the  Scriptures  into  Itahan. 

59 


60  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

The  eventful  history  of  the  Duchess  of  Camerino 
is  well  worthy  of  being  recorded.  Caterina  Cibo 
was  born  in  1501,  in  the  Villa  of  Panzani  near  Florence ; 
she  was  the  daughter  of  Franceschetto  Cibo  the 
brother  of  Pope  Innocent  VIII,  while  through  her 
mother,  who  was  one  of  the  Medici,  she  was  also  closely 
connected  with  Pope  Leo  X  and  Clement  VII. 
Caterina  was  educated  at  Rome  in  those  palmy  days 
of  a  high-born  girl's  opportunity,  when  the  most 
learned  professors  devoted  themselves  to  teaching 
not  only  the  Tuscan  tongue  in  its  full  beauty,  but 
Latin,  Greek  and  Hebrew  with  such  success,  that  in 
after  years  their  pupils  could  take  great  dehght  in 
reading  those  languages,  and  appreciating  classical 
writers  at  the  fountain  head.  But  the  most  amazing 
thing  to  us,  is  that  all  this  erudition  should  have  been 
acquired  at  such  an  early  age ;  for  a  beautiful  girl 
so  highly  connected  as  Caterina  had  many  suitors, 
and  at  the  age  of  twelve,  was  betrothed  to  Giovanni 
Maria  Varano,  afterwards  Duke  of  Camerino,  a 
princely  estate  situated  about  forty  miles  south-west 
of  Ancona,  on  the  way  to  FoHgno. 

After  her  marriage,  the  young  Duchess  can  have 
had  but  little  time  to  continue  her  studies,  for  her 
troubles  began  within  the  first  year,  when  Camerino 
was  attacked  by  Sigismondo,  the  nephew  of  Varano, 
who  had  to  take  refuge  in  Rome  and  there  seek  for 
armed  support.  He  returned  with  a  strong  force,  and 
with  the  help  of  the  citadel  which  had  remained  loyal 
to  him,  he  took  possession  of  the  city  after  a  sharp 
contest.  Meantime  Sigismondo  had  made  his  escape 
to  Rome,  and  was  preparing  to  renew  the  struggle, 
when  he  was  assassinated,  not  without  suspicion  that 
the  blow  had  been  struck  by  order  of  the  Duke. 


CATERINA  CIBO,  DUCHESS  OF  CAMERINO   61 

In  1523,  a  daughter  was  born  to  Caterina,  who 
received  the  name  of  Giulia,  and  of  whom  we  shall 
have  more  to  tell  later.     The  affairs  of  Camerino 
appear  to  have  been  still  in  an  unsettled  condition, 
and  the  Duchess  spent  most  of  her  time  in  Rome, 
where  the  presence  of  her  uncle  Pope  Clement  VII, 
and  of  her  brothers  Cardinal  Cibo,  and  Giambattista, 
Bishop  of  Marseilles,  gave  her  a  position  of  much 
interest  and  importance.     Even  in  these  early  days, 
while  living  in  a  city  which  was  the  very  stronghold 
of  Catholicism,  Caterina  with  her  keen  intelligence, 
was   already   afi'ected   with   that   intense   desire   for 
reform  of  the  abuses  in  the  Church,  which  she  saw  all 
around  her.     One  of  the  first  signs  which  she  gave  of 
this  reforming  spirit  was  her  warm  advocacy  of  the 
Friar  Matteo  de'  Bassi,  in  his  efforts  to  reform  the 
Franciscan  Order,  which  had  fallen  into  careless  and 
irreligious    ways.     Greatly    through    her    influence, 
in  1526,  Matteo  was  authorised  by  Clement  VII  to 
found  a  reformed  branch  of  Franciscans,  which  in 
life  and  doctrine  was  to  go  back  to  the  simple  rule 
of  their  founder.     They  came  to  be  known  as  Capu- 
chins by  their  garb  ;    and  they  sought  to  revive  all 
the  austerities  of  St.  Francis  himself,  his  absolute 
poverty,  his  self-denial  and  his  charity. 

The  other  religious  orders  and  especially  the 
Observants,  were  furious  at  this  new  departure,  which 
was  a  tacit  condemnation  of  their  own  lives  and 
practices,  and  it  needed  all  the  devoted  support  of 
the  Duchess  of  Camerino  and  others  to  protect  the 
Capuchins  against  the  dangers  and  persecutions 
which  beset  them.  The  Duke  of  Camerino,  who  was 
twenty  years  older  than  his  wife,  had  died  in  1527, 
when  Caterina  succeeded  to  his  estates  and  returned 


62  ITALIAN   EEFORMATION 

to  her  palace  in  Camerino.  We  are  told  that  "  on 
July  10,  1528,  there  came  to  Camerino  a  Capuchin 
friar,  who  went  through  the  city  followed  by  a  crowd 
of  children  (Mammoli),  crying  with  a  pitiful  voice, 
*  Misericordia  !  '  "  Great  crowds  gathered  round  him, 
and  he  preached  every  afternoon  to  admonish  the 
people  that  they  should  turn  away  from  their  evil 
doings  and  give  a  good  example  to  others  ;  and 
every  evening  he  went  crying  through  the  streets 
with  a  loud  voice  :  "  Misericordia  !  "  We  are  not 
surprised  to  hear  that  the  Duchess  took  the  Capuchin 
under  her  protection,  and  that  he  was  made  a  welcome 
guest  in  her  palace.  From  about  this  time  she  be- 
came one  of  the  leaders  of  the  reformed  movement, 
and  carried  on  intimate  correspondence  with  Vittoria 
Colonna,  Giulia  Gonzaga  and  others  who  were 
interested  in  the  cause. 

Caterina  Cibo  was  not  only  a  great  lady  of  in- 
tellectual talent  and  a  most  interesting  personality, 
but  she  was  also  one  of  the  famous  "  warrior  women  " 
of  Italy,  almost  a  rival  of  her  name-sake  Caterina 
Sforza  the  Lady  of  Forli.  The  Duchess  of  Camerino 
had  not  long  been  settled  in  possession  of  her  city 
before  Rodolfo  Varano,  an  illegitimate  son  of  the  late 
Duke,  taking  advantage  of  her  feeling  of  security, 
suddenly  attacked  the  Castello,  took  it  by  surprise 
and  made  Caterina  a  prisoner.  Her  brother  Giam- 
battista.  Bishop  of  Marseilles,  hastened  to  her  rescue 
with  a  small  force,  but  Rodolfo  summoned  his  friends 
led  by  Ascanio  Colonna,  to  help  him  ;  they  entered 
the  city  and  put  it  to  fire  and  sword.  Clement  VII 
thereupon  invited  the  Duke  of  Urbino  to  help  in 
liberating  his  niece,  and  he  joined  with  Ercole  Varano 
and  others  until  Ascanio  Colonna  was  compelled  to 


CATERINA  CIBO,  DUCHESS  OF  CAMEETNO   63 

make  terms  and  Caterina  was  set  free.  But  Ercole 
Varano  and  his  sons  made  fresh  trouble,  for  they 
could  not  agree  as  to  their  share.  Caterina,  feeling 
the  insecurity  of  her  position,  sought  to  find  a  strong 
protector  by  offering  her  only  daughter  and  heiress 
Giulia,  as  bride  to  the  young  son,  Guidobaldo,  of  the 
Duke  of  Urbino.  This  roused  the  anger  of  Ercole 
Varano,  who  himself  attacked  Camerino,  but  the 
Duchess  defended  her  city  successfully  and  the  Pope 
excommunicated  Ercole  and  his  sons. 

For  a  time  Caterina  and  her  young  daughter  were 
left  in  peace,  but  after  the  death  of  Pope  Clement, 
Matteo  the  son  of  Ercole  Varano,  made  another 
attempt  on  Camerino  on  the  night  of  April  13,  1534. 
With  a  small  company,  he  scaled  the  walls  of  the 
city  and  arrived  unexpectedly  in  the  palace.  Here 
Matteo  had  the  Duchess  in  his  power,  but  she  had 
contrived  to  send  Giulia  in  haste  to  the  care  of  the 
custodian  of  the  Castello.  He  told  Caterina  that 
he  had  come  to  try  his  fortune,  and  that  he  was  re- 
solved, by  persuasion  or  force,  to  marry  her  daughter 
and  thus  settle  the  succession.  Seeing  that  his  words 
were  in  vain,  Matteo  threatened  to  kill  her  unless 
she  instantly  agreed  to  his  wishes.  "  She,  with  a 
strong  soul  worthy  of  immortal  fame,  not  only  denied 
his  request,  but  seeing  that  he  stood  over  her  with  a 
drawn  sword,  and  with  his  hand  raised  to  strike,  she 
fell  upon  her  knees,  and  raising  her  veil,  bent  her 
head  forwards,  recommending  her  soul  to  God." 

But  meantime,  the  whole  city  had  been  roused, 
and  Matteo  changed  his  mind,  determining  to  retreat 
and  take  the  Duchess  with  him.  She  had  already 
been  carried  about  two  miles  beyond  the  city  gates, 
when  she  was  overtaken  and  rescued  by  some  of  her 


64  ITALIAN    REFORMATION 

own  people  and  was  conducted  in  safety  back  to  her 
palace.  But  in  the  fight  which  took  place,  about 
twenty  of  Matteo's  followers  were  taken  prisoners, 
and  were  promptly  condemned  to  death  by  the 
indignant  Duchess.  She  wrote  the  following  fiery 
letter  to  her  brother  the  Cardinal,  to  announce  the 
events  of  that  night : 

"  Having  told  you  the  outrage  they  have  here 
committed,  you  will  understand  that  they  deserved 
sentence  of  death,  for  they  are  evil  livers  and  assas- 
sins. ...  It  will  certainly  appear  to  your  Lordship, 
as  it  does  to  us,  a  wild  dream,  that  sixty  persons 
should  set  out  to  pillage  Camerino,  should  dare  to 
take  me  prisoner,  then  should  carry  me  off,  and 
at  last  let  me  go  without  a  word,  and  escape  without 
being  killed  !  .  .  .  For  my  rescue  I  do  indeed  return 
thanks  to  God,  and  that  all  should  have  ended  so 
well." 

There  had  been  many  suitors  for  the  hand  of  Giulia, 
the  heiress  of  Camerino,  but  the  Duchess  remained 
firm  in  the  resolution  of  keeping  her  promise  to  the 
Duke  of  Urbmo,  and  in  1534,  the  young  girl's  marriage 
was  carried  out  with  Guidobaldo  della  Rovere.  Soon 
after  this,  Caterina  resigned  the  government  of  the 
city  and  surrounding  province  to  her  daughter  and 
son-in-law.  But  their  dominion  was  only  of  brief 
duration,  for  the  new  Pope  Paul  III,  who  had  in  vain 
summoned  Caterina  to  Rome  with  Briefs  and  threats 
of  excommunication,  now  sent  his  commissioner 
Ascanio  Parisani,  to  administer  the  Duchy. 

Under  this  Farnese  government  in  Rome,  times  had 
sadly  changed  for  the  Duchess  since  those  delightful 


CATERINA  CIBO,  DUCHESS  OF  CAMEKINO   65 

days  in  the  time  of  Leo  X  and  of  Clement  VII,  when 
she  had  held  a  literary  Court  of  her  own  in  the  Eternal 
city.  Amongst  her  friends  we  find  the  satiric  poet 
I  rancesco  Berni,  who  wrote  the  "  Orlando  Inna- 
n  orato/'  a  poem  which  contained  such  strong 
Lutheran  doctrines  that  it  had  to  be  carefully  muti- 
lated and  edited  after  his  death,  by  the  Romish 
censors.  Another  writer  who  joined  these  gatherings 
was  Agnolo  Firenzuola,  who  dedicated  his  "  Con- 
versazione sull'Amore "  to  Caterina  Cibo,  and  a 
collection  of  his  stories,  somewhat  in  the  style  of 
Boccaccio,  to  Vittoria  Colonna.  He  also  wrote  a 
prose  work  on  the  beauty  of  women,  which  he  summed 
up  in  one  sentence  :  "A  beautiful  woman  is  one 
who  has  the  all-pervading  gift  of  charm,  and  is 
universally  pleasing."  He  praises  Caterina  for  "  her 
nobility  and  sweetness  of  mind,  born  with  her  and 
ever  increasing  with  the  passing  years,"  and  speaks  of 
*'  the  charm  and  brightness  of  her  conversation, 
which  made  her  reunions  like  an  Athenian  Academy." 
The  historian  Serdonati  writes  of  her  : 

"  Caterina  Cibo  was  noted  alike  for  her  beauty  and 
for  her  brilliant  intelligence.  She  learnt  four  lan- 
guages, Hebrew,  Greek,  Latin  and  our  Tuscan,  and 
vmderstood  them  all  so  thoroughly,  that  she  not 
only  made  great  progress  in  Humanist  studies,  but 
also  in  sacred  theology.  It  was  for  this  purpose 
that  she  perfected  herself  in  Hebrew,  in  order  that 
she  might  read  the  holy  Bible  in  that  language  ;  and 
she  was  also  able  to  make  use  of  the  commentaries 
of  Greek  Doctors  of  Divinity,  in  the  original.  She 
was  also  far  advanced  in  the  study  of  philosophy; 
in  short  she  was  a  mirror  of  doctrine  and  of  religion." 
5 


66  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

When  she  left  Camerino,  the  Duchess  took  up  her 
abode  in  her  palace  at  Florence,  where  she  remamed 
for  the  rest  of  her  life,  until  her  death  on  February  17, 
1557.  Here  she  was  the  centre  of  a  literary  and 
religious  society,  in  which  the  poet  Marcantonio 
Flaminio  took  a  leading  part.  From  letters  of  his 
to  Caterina,  we  see  the  extreme  interest  which  she 
took,  not  only  in  abstruse  philosophy,  but  in  the 
burning  question  of  religious  reform.  From  these, 
it  is  quite  evident  that  she  fully  shared  the  Valdesian 
doctrines  of  Giulia  Gonzaga  and  Vittoria  Colonna, 
concerning  justification  by  faith. 

In  published  records  of  the  "  Holy  Office,"  we  find 
a  special  accusation  against  this  lady  :  "  Ducessa 
Camerini  haeretica  sectatrix  haereticorum  et  doctrix 
monialum  haereticorum."  The  nuns  whom  she  was 
supposed  to  have  led  astray  with  her  heretical  doc- 
trines, were  those  of  Santa  Marta  outside  Florence. 
This  convent  is  beyond  the  Barriera  del  Ponte  Rosso, 
on  the  hill  of  Montughi,  which  rises  above  the  plain  of 
the  Mugnone.  It  stands  higher  up  than  the  pictur- 
esque Capuchin  Monastery,  which  was  built  through 
the  mfluence  of  the  Duchess  of  Camermo. 

But  there  are  other  and  even  more  serious  imputa- 
tions against  Caterina.  In  the  private  records  of 
Carnesecchi's  trial  before  the  Inquisition,  we  see  how 
carefully  she  and  her  friends  had  been  watched  by 
spies.  When  Giberti,  Pole  and  Caraffa  had  passed 
through  Florence  and  visited  the  Duchess,  their 
private  conversations  were  taken  down  ;  it  was  also 
proved  that  she  had  asked  Carnesecchi  to  recommend 
evangelists  to  her ;  that  she  protected  in  her  house 
a  certain  Fra  Paolo,  an  apostate  monk,  formerly  of 
San  Benedetto ;  that  she  certainly  held  the  doctrine 


CATERINA  CIBO,  DUCHESS  OF  CAMERINO   67 

of  justification  by  faith,  and  continued  in  still  more 
heresy  as  time  went  on  ;  and  that  she  used  all  her 
influence  to  save  various  advanced  thinkers  from 
persecution,  also  helping  them  to  escape.  It  was 
brought  up  against  her  that,  from  her  house,  Ochino 
wrote  his  famous  letter  to  Vittoria  Colonna  to  an- 
nounce his  flight,  and  that  the  Friar  had  dedicated 
to  her  his  heretical  work,  "  Seven  Dialogues,"  in  four 
of  which  she  is  made  to  take  the  part  of  a  learner, 
and  that  she  kept  up  a  correspondence  with  him 
after  his  rebellion  and  flight.  Caterina  was  thus 
arraigned  for  heresy  ten  years  after  her  death,  but 
the  Inquisition  did  not  venture  to  molest  her  in  life  ; 
the  scandal  would  have  been  too  great,  to  condemn 
to  the  flames  a  lady  so  nearly  connected  with  three 
Popes,  the  sister  of  a  Cardinal  and  a  Bishop. 

A  brief  allusion  to  the  "Seven  Dialogues  "  of  Ochino, 
will  give  some  idea  of  his  mode  of  teaching. 

The  First  Dialogue  treats  of  "Love  to  God." 
Ochino  laments  that  so  few  are  filled  with  love  to 
God,  while  all  love  the  creatures  and  themselves. 
For  in  God  is  infinite  goodness ;  in  Him  alone  are 
perfect  endless  wisdom,  beauty,  truth,  power,  m.ercy, 
love  and  charity.  He  only  sends  us  sorrow  because 
He  loves  us  .  .  .  and  would  not  have  us  lost.  Then 
the  question  is  put  whether  man  can  rightly  love  Him 
in  return  ? 

The  dialogue  answers  this  question,  carefully 
develops  the  requirements  of  a  true  love  to  God, 
and  introduces  the  Platonic  definition  of  virtue. 

"  While  all  other  virtues  consist  in  a  certain  mean 
which  they  cannot  overstep  .  .  .  ,  love  to  God  can 
never  be  great  enough.     We  ought  all  to  love  Him 


68  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

boundlessly,  to  prefer  Him  to  all  things  else,  and 
never  to  leave  Him,  whether  for  good  or  for  evil,  for 
gain  or  loss,  for  joy  or  sorrow,  for  honour  or  shame. . . . 
On  the  wings  of  this  love,  the  soul  is  able  to  soar 
above  itself.  ...  If  the  brave  citizen  is  able  to  sacrifice 
his  life  for  his  country,  and  to  renounce  for  its  sake 
everything  dear  to  him,  how  much  more  can  the 
good  Christian  give  up  his  life  for  the  sake  of  God 
and  His  heavenly  country,  and  love  his  God  more 
than  himself,  as  did  the  martyrs  and  other  holy  men. 
"  We  can  at  least  give  our  hearts  to  Him  through 
Jesus  Christ,  and  say  :  *  If  God  wills  it,  I  would  give 
up  my  life  for  His  sake.  I  would  endure  all  pains 
and  privations  if  I  could  thus  please  God.'  " 

As  we  know,  a  few  years  later,  Ochino  proved  by 
his  deeds  that  these  were  not  mere  words. 
The  Duchess  replies : 

'*  I  now  see  that,  although  difficult,  it  is  yet  possible 
to  love  God  sincerely.  But  what  must  I  do  to  fill 
my  heart  with  love  towards  Him  ?  As  Christ  says, 
man  cannot  serve  two  masters  ...  it  is  therefore 
impossible  to  serve  God  and  the  world  from  the  heart. 
Therefore  whoso  wishes  to  stand  before  God  with 
his  whole  love,  must  leave  himself  and  all  creatures 
behind.  He  cannot  be  chained  to  earth  by  his  love, 
and  rise  to  God.  ..." 

Ochino  replies : 

"  The  contempt  of  this  world  is  the  fruit  of  our 
love  to  God,  but  love  to  God  does  not  arise  from 
contempt  of  the  world.  .  .  ." 


CATERINA  CIBO,  DUCHESS  OF  CAMERINO   69 

The  Duchess  then  points  out  that  a  second  road 
leading  to  the  love  of  God  is  the  knowledge  of  God. 

**  We  only  love  what  we  know — loving  without 
previous  knowledge  is  inconceivable.  The  desire 
to  know  serves  that  desire  which  is  king  in  us — 
namely  the  will ;  it  precedes  the  will  and  carries  the 
light,  so  that  it  is  impossible  for  the  will  to  arrive 
where  knowledge  has  not  forestalled  it.  To  my 
mind  therefore,  the  best  means  of  loving  God  well, 
consists  in  striving  to  know  Him  better,  and  frequently 
making  Him  the  object  of  our  meditations.  ..." 

Ochino  acknowledges  the  connection  between  the 
knowledge  of  God  and  the  love  to  Him,  within 
certain  limits.  He  distinguishes  two  modes  of  know- 
ing God — a  speculative,  and  a  practical  one,  and  it 
is  only  this  last  which  has  the  power  of  kindling  true 
love  to  God.  .  .  . 

**  It  is  not  the  speculative  knowledge — such  as  the 
wise  of  this  world  may  have, — but  the  practical 
knowledge  of  God,  within  reach  of  all  men,  which 
leads  to  love.  The  knowledge  that  God  is  the  highest 
good,  that  He  loves  and  cares  for  us,  that  He  gave  up 
His  Son,  even  to  the  cross,  out  of  love  for  us.  This 
knowledge  can  be  easily  gained,  even  by  the  un- 
learned, '  for  of  such  is  the  kingdom  of  heaven.' .  .  .  " 

Then  follows  the  question,  whether  enjoying  God 
helps  us  to  love  Him. 

The  Second  Dialogue  is  a  short  discussion  between 
Ochino  and  the  Duchess,  "  concerning  the  means  of 
being  happy."  It  is  here  clearly  shown,  and  illus- 
trated by  passages  from  Plato  and  Seneca — 

"  That  true  happiness  does  not  consist   in  the 


70  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

possession  of  earthly  goods,  nor  in  enjoyment  of 
worldly  pleasures,  in  honour,  in  riches  or  even  in 
knowledge  ;  but  that  setting  aside  all  these  things, 
real  happiness  can  be  ours  in  our  earthly  pilgrimage, 
a  happiness  we  may  find  in  ourselves,  in  the  peace 
of  a  soul  absorbed  in  God. 

"  The  central  truth  is  that  happiness  is  in  ourselves. 
We  need  not  go  outside  to  seek  it,  for  all  our  longings 
are  stilled  and  find  their  rest  in  God.  Whoever 
thinks  to  satisfy  the  longings  of  his  soul  by  the  things 
of  this  world,  is  like  a  man  who  tries  to  satisfy  his 
thirst  by  eating  salt.  Whoever  wishes  to  quench 
his  thirst  must  go  to  that  holy  spring  of  fresh  water, 
clear,  pure  and  inexhaustible." 

We  will  pass  over  the  Third  Dialogue,  carried  on 
between  a  master  and  scholar,  in  which  the  human 
soul  is  represented  as  a  Court. 

The  Fourth  Dialogue,  between  Ochino  and  the 
Duchess,  deals  with  the  marvellous  conversion  of 
the  thief  on  the  cross,  a  very  favourite  subject  with 
the  Scholastic  teachers,  who  became  involved  in 
most  curious  tangles.  Many  extraordinary  sugges- 
tions had  been  made,  but  perhaps  the  following  were 
the  most  popular. 

Some  declared  that  it  was  the  shadow  of  the 
crucified  Christ  which  passed  over  the  thief,  and 
suddenly  worked  the  miracle  within  him.  There 
were  others  who  believed  that  it  was  the  loving, 
adoring  gaze  of  Mary  fixed  upon  the  Saviour  which 
so  moved  and  touched  his  heart  that  it  worked  his 
conversion  at  the  eleventh  hour.  But  Ochino  rejects 
all  these  materialistic  explanations.  In  this  case 
also,  simple  belief  in  Christ  is  to  him  a  free  action. 


CATEEINA  CIBO,  DUCHESS  OF  CAMERINO   71 

**  The  thief  looked  upon  Christ,  he  saw  Him  endure 
everything  without  a  murmur  ...  he  heard  His  words 
and  saw  His  wonderful  patience,  His  all-embracing 
love ;  it  was  all  this,  that  kindled  in  him  the  belief 
that  Christ  was  in  truth  the  Son  of  God." 

We  pass  the  two  next  Dialogues,  and  the  last  and 
Seventh  is  a  conversation  between  Ochino  and  the 
Duchess  concerning  "  vows," 

The  Duchess  asks :  "  What  must  I  do  to  secure 
the  salvation  of  my  soul  and  my  highest  happiness  ?  " 
Ochino  replies  :  "  You  must  make  a  vow."  To  this 
Caterina  objects  as  she  does  not  know  of  any  Order 
that  would  satisfy  her  ;  but  she  is  told  that  there 
is  one  which  will  please  her,  as  it  is  perfect  in  every 
respect. 

"  The  members  of  this  Order  do  not  change  their 
dwelHng,  but  only  their  customs,  not  their  clothing, 
but  their  lives.  They  cut  off  all  sinful  thoughts  and 
desires  instead  of  their  hair.  They  pray  with  their 
hearts  and  not  only  with  their  lips.  They  obey  God 
and  not  man." 

There  is  a  quaint  human  touch  in  the  answer  of 
the  Duchess: 

**  I  should  like  to  be  perfect,  but  it  must  not  give 
me  too  much  trouble." 

Ochino  continues,  after  further  explanations : 

"  In  the  whole  world  there  is  no  lighter  Order  than 
this.  It  is  called  the  Divine,  and  its  name  is  typical 
of  the  lives  of  those  who  belong  to  it.  .  .  .  In  this 
Order,  there  are  no  novices,  the  vows  must  be  taken 


72  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

at  once,  and  only  noble  souls  may  enter.  If  you 
wish  to  join,  this  is  the  vow  which  you  must  take 
with  all  your  heart.  .  .  /' 

Then  follows  a  brief  epitome  of  simple  Christian 
doctrine  and  a  declaration  of  faith.  Caterina  learns 
to  thank  God  for  all  the  blessings  she  has  received ; 
to  proclaim  her  creed  in  her  Hfe,  and  her  desire  so  to 
work  upon  others  that  they  may  love  and  seek  God 
alone  in  Christ. 

The  vow : 

"Be  it  known  to  all  by  these  presents  that  I 
Caterina,  Duchess  of  Camerino,  led  by  the  grace  of 
God  and  Hght  divine,  have  resolved  to  turn  to  God 
with  the  whole  power  of  my  love,  now  and  for  ever. 
I  promise  to  live  in  eternal  poverty,  that  is  without 
love  for  the  creature,  and  acknowledging  that  I 
myself  have  nothing,  and  cannot  do,  will,  know,  or 
accomplish  anything.  I  promise  implicit  obedience, 
that  is,  now  and  for  ever  to  follow  God's  commands, 
and  never  to  strive  against  them.  .  .  . 

"  Thus  united  with  God,  I  promise  to  serve  Him, 
my  Lord,  purely  and  without  blame,  and  to  bring 
others  to  His  service.  I  hope  to  gain  salvation 
through  Christ  alone  .  .  .  and  to  attest  this,  I  Duchess 
of  Camerino,  have  signed  with  my  own  hand. 
MDXXXVIII.'' 

These  "  Dialogues "  are  essentially  Protestant, 
for  the  idea  is  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  the 
grace  of  God  alone,  as  taught  to  the  disciples  of 
Valdes.  It  is  on  this  note,  that  we  close  the  story 
of  the  gallant  Caterina  Cibo,  Duchess  of  Camerino. 


CHAPTER   VII 

PETER  MARTYR  AND   OCHINO 

Story  of  Pietro  Martire  Vermigli  (Peter  Martyr) — Born  at  Florence — • 
Enters  Augustinian  monastery  at  Fiesole — His  wonderful 
preaching — His  persecution  and  flight  with  Ochino  from  Italy — 
They  are  invited  to  England  by  Archbishop  Cranmer — Peter 
Martyr  appointed  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Oxford — 
Ochino  made  Canon  of  Canterbury — They  leave  England  on 
Queen  Mary's  accession — Death  of  Martjn:  and  of  Ochino. 

It  was  in  Florence  that  Bernardino  Ochino  came  to 
that  final  decision  which  raised  throughout  Italy  the 
cry  of  lamentation  or  obloquy  :  "  He  has  forsaken 
the  ark  of  salvation."  It  was  the  same  Florence 
which  four  years  before  had  beheld  his  highest 
honour,  his  election  as  Vicar-General  of  his  Order. 
It  was  here  that  he  renounced  all  that  made  Hfe  dear 
to  him,  the  love  and  reverence  of  devoted  friends,  a 
position  of  unrivalled  honour  and  fame  ;  the  work  of 
a  whole  life-time  of  strenuous  devoted  zeal.  It  was 
here  too  that  he  may  possibly  have  been  influenced 
by  the  advice  and  example  of  his  friend  and  fellow 
exile,  Pietro  Martire  Vermigli,  who  is  of  sufficient 
importance  to  claim  a  special  notice. 

Peter  Martyr,  as  he  is  known  in  English  history, 
was  born  at  Florence  in  September  1500,  and  his 
parents,  Stefano  Vermigli  and  Maria  Fumantina, 
were  both  members  of  ancient  and  distinguished 
families  in  their  native  city.     They  had  lost  several 

73 


74  ITALIAN  EEFOEMATION 

sons  before  the  birth  of  this  boy,  and  in  the  hope  of 
saving  his  life,  they  dedicated  him  to  St.  Peter 
Martyr  of  Milan,  put  to  death  by  the  Arians.  The 
boy  early  showed  great  intelligence  and  was  taught 
Latin  by  his  mother,  who  translated  with  him  the 
comedies  of  Terence.  As  he  grew  older,  nothing  was 
spared  for  his  education,  and  he  had  the  best  teachers 
in  that  palmy  age  of  learning  for  the  Florentine 
Republic,  amongst  whom  was  Marcello  Virgilio,  the 
famous  professor  of  Greek  and  Latin. 

But  the  result  of  Peter's  precocious  talent  was 
disappointing  to  his  father,  who  had  high  ambitions 
for  his  clever  son,  for  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  he  had 
decided  to  choose  the  monastic  life,  possibly  as  giving 
him  greater  opportunities  for  quiet  study,  as  well 
as  a  holy  life.  He  entered  the  monastery  of  St. 
Augustine  at  Fiesole,  which  was  especially  suited  to 
him,  as  it  possessed  a  fine  library  of  classical  works, 
philosophy  and  theology,  given  by  the  Medici  family. 
He  was  warmly  welcomed  by  the  Austin  Canons,  who 
hoped  that  his  brilliant  talents  would  add  to  the  fame 
of  their  Order.  It  was  an  additional  blow  to  Stefano 
Vermigli  when  his  only  daughter,  Gemma  Felicita, 
followed  her  brother's  example,  and  took  the  vows 
in  the  Convent  of  S.  Pietro  Martire. 

After  three  years  at  Fiesole,  Peter  Martyr  was 
sent  to  the  monastery  of  S.  Giovanni  di  Verdaro, 
near  Padua,  in  the  hope  that  he  would  continue  his 
studies  with  the  same  perseverance  and  success  at 
the  famous  University  of  Padua.  During  the  eight 
years  which  followed,  he  devoted  most  of  his  time  to 
the  study  of  Philosophy,  under  the  direction  of  the 
learned  abbot  Albert,  and  the  teaching  of  Branda, 
Gonfalonieri   and    Genua ;     until    his    learning   and 


PETER  MARTYR  AND   OCHINO         75 

eloquence  were  so  much  appreciated  that  he  was 
invited  to  take  part  in  public  discussions.  Not 
satisfied  with  studying  Aristotle  in  a  Latin  transla- 
tion, he  determined  so  thoroughly  to  master  the 
Greek  language,  that  he  could  read  not  only  the 
orators  and  philosophers  of  ancient  Greece  but  all 
the  best  poets,  in  the  original  language.  He  and 
his  friend  Benedetto  Cusano  often  spent  the  whole 
night  in  study,  so  eager  were  they  to  enjoy  the  new 
world  of  knowledge  which  opened  before  them.  At 
the  age  of  twenty-six,  he  received  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Divinity,  and  was  honoured  by  being 
placed  in  the  Order  of  Preachers,  "  who  were  most 
carefully  selected  in  the  Augustinian  Order,  for  their 
talent,  learning  and  eloquence." 

He  first  preached  at  Brescia,  then  in  the  chief 
cities  of  Italy,  Rome,  Venice,  Bologna,  Mantua, 
Bergamo,  Pisa  and  Montserrat,  while  all  his  spare 
time  was  devoted  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures. 
He  could  not  rest  until  he  had  learnt  enough  Hebrew 
to  read  the  Old  Testament  in  the  original.  His  work 
was  so  much  appreciated  that  he  was  made  Abbot  of 
Spoleto,  where  the  serious  task  awaited  him  of 
reforming  the  terrible  abuses  into  which  the  monas- 
teries and  convents  had  fallen,  and  this  he  carried 
out  even  at  the  risk  of  his  life.  After  three  years 
at  Spoleto,  he  was  appointed  Prior  to  the  great 
house  of  S.  Pietro  ad  Ara,  at  Naples,  a  position  of 
much  responsibility  and  importance.  Here  it  was 
that  he  met  Juan  Valdes,  the  Spanish  reformer, 
and  was  greatly  influenced  by  his  teaching.  Just  at 
this  time,  he  happened  to  meet  with  Bucer's  Com- 
mentaries on  the  Gospels  and  on  the  Psalms,  with 
which   he   was   deeply   impressed.     This   and   other 


76  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

works' of  ^the  Reformers  made  him  conscious  of  the 
serious  abuses  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  until  he  felt 
an  earnest  desire  to  return  to  the  original  simplicity 
of  the  Christian  Church.  His  own  feelings  were 
much  strengthened  by  the  constant  religious  meetings 
in  the  house  of  Valdes,  and  the  society  of  his  friends, 
amongst  whom  were  Benedetto  Cusano,  and  the  poet 
Marcantonio  Flaminio. 

As  his  honest  and  sincere  spirit  became  gradually 
enlightened,  we  cannot  wonder  that  a  change  came 
over  the  message  which  he  preached.  This  was 
especially  noticed  when,  in  the  presence  of  the 
brethren  of  his  Order  and  an  immense  crowd  of  eager 
listeners,  he  preached  a  series  of  sermons  on  the 
First  Epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Corinthians,  with  his 
usual  marvellous  eloquence.  One  day  he  came  to 
the  passage  in  the  third  chapter  "  and  the  fire  shall 
try  every  man's  work  of  what  sort  it  is,"  on  which 
the  doctrine  of  Purgatory  is  supposed  to  be  founded. 
He  interpreted  it  as  a  figurative  allusion  to  the  entire 
consumption  of  all  merit  outside  Christ,  our  sole 
salvation  ;  and  proved  this  by  quotations  from  the 
more  ancient  Fathers.  It  began  to  be  whispered 
by  some  jealous  monks  that  his  doctrine  was  heretical 
and  that  he  did  not  believe  in  Purgatory ;  he  was 
watched,  and  accused  to  the  Viceroy,  the  bigoted 
Toledo,  who  was  persuaded  to  forbid  him  to  preach. 

But  Peter  Martyr  appealed  to  the  Pope  against 
this  sentence,  and  he  had  such  powerful  friends  at 
Rome  ;  Gonzaga,  Contarini,  Pole,  Bembo  and  Fregoso 
— all  of  them  Cardinals  and  in  high  favour  with 
Paul  III — that  the  prohibition  was  removed,  and  he 
continued  to  preach  at  Naples  with  ever- increasing 
success.     Amongst    those    who    were    most    deeply 


PETER  MARTYK  AND  OCHINO         77 

influenced  by  his  teaching  were  Francesco  Caserto, 
who  died  a  martyr  for  the  Reformed  Faith,  and  the 
young  nobleman  Galeazzo  Caracciolo,  whose  interest- 
ing history  will  be  told  later  in  connection  with 
Reform  at  Naples. 

It  was  soon  after  the  death  of  Valdes,  that  Peter 
Martyr  was  taken  seriously  ill  with  a  contagious 
fever  of  which  his  friend  Benedetto  Cusano  died. 
His  superiors,  anxious  to  remove  him  from  the  un- 
healthy miasma  of  Naples,  appointed  Martyr  Visitor- 
General  of  their  Order  in  Italy,  a  task  which  gave 
him  reforming  \\  ork  after  his  own  heart,  and  which 
he  carried  out  with  the  strongest  measures,  showing 
neither  fear  nor  favour.  He  was  rewarded  with  the 
position  of  Prior  at  S.  Frediano  in  Lucca,  with 
episcopal  authority  over  half  the  city.  It  was  a 
difficult  position,  but  he  met  with  his  usual  success, 
and  devoted  himself  especially  to  the  young,  choosing 
men  of  learning  and  piety  to  teach  not  only  Greek 
and  Latin,  but  theology ;  while  he  himself  gave 
a  daily  exposition  in  Italian  on  the  Epistles  of  St. 
Peter.  He  also  gave  Lectures  on  the  Psalms,  and 
preached  every  Sunday  to  crowded  congregations  in 
their  native  tongue.  During  Advent  and  Lent  he 
confined  himself  to  the  Gospels. 

We  shall  not  be  surprised  to  hear  that,  in  somewhat 
later  days,  Lucca  had  the  honour  of  containing  more 
converts  to  the  reformed  faith  than  perhaps  any  other 
city  in  Italy. 

In  1541,  the  Emperor  Charles  V  and  the  Pope  met 
at  Lucca,  and  the  friends  of  Peter  Martyr  feared  that 
there  might  be  trouble  for  him — but  Contarini  arrived 
at  the  same  time,  and  renewed  his  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  the  Prior  of  S.  Frediano,  taking  up  his 


78  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

abode  in  the  Convent,  where  they  had  earnest  re- 
ligious talk  together — and  all  passed  off  well  at  this 
time.  But  the  clergy  in  the  Pope's  train  carried  back 
to  Rome  an  evil  account  of  Lucca,  and  the  Bishop, 
who  dared  not  attack  Martyr  on  account  of  his  great 
popularity,  ordered  the  toAvn  authorities  to  arrest 
some  of  his  companions,  amongst  whom  was  his 
friend  Celio  Secondo  Curione,  who  found  a  refuge 
later  at  Ferrara. 

The  high  reputation  of  Peter  Martyr  had  made 
him  secret  enemies  who  kept  strict  watch,  and  were 
always  ready  to  bring  a  charge  of  heresy  against  him. 
One  complaint  against  him  was  ''  that  he  had  given  the 
communion  to  many  citizens,  teaching  them  only  to 
partake  in  remembrance  of  Christ's  death,  and  not 
because  they  believed  the  wafer  contained  His  most 
holy  body."  As  time  went  on,  the  danger  increased, 
and  at  length  when  he  was  summoned  to  appear 
before  the  Council  of  his  Order  at  Genoa,  he  received 
a  warning  that  it  would  be  fatal  for  him  to  obey. 

Most  unwillingly,  he  resolved  to  secure  safety  by 
flight,  and  leaving  many  of  his  religious  books  in 
charge  of  a  friend  who  was  to  send  them  to  Germany, 
he  set  forth  with  three  friends  for  Pisa,  where  he  met 
with  some  earnest  students  of  the  reformed  opinions  ; 
he  also  wrote  letters  of  farewell  giving  his  reasons  for 
leaving  his  post,  with  final  words  of  advice  and 
blessing.  From  Pisa  he  went  on  to  Florence,  where, 
as  we  have  seen,  he  met  Bernardino  Ochino,  who 
was  in  the  same  unfortunate  position  as  himself. 
The  story  of  these  two  exiles  for  their  faith  is  from 
this  time  greatly  linked  in  their  various  adventures, 
and  may  be  told  to  some  extent  together.  They 
decided  to  leave  Italy  by  different  roads  ;    Ochinp 


PETER  MARTYR  AND  OCHINO         79 

set  out  two  days  before  his  friend,  and  appears  to 
have  passed  through  Ferrara,  where  the  Duchess 
Renee  showed  him  much  kindness,  as  she  did  to  all 
who  were  persecuted  for  their  religious  opinions.  He 
then  struck  across  the  plain  of  Lombardy,  visiting 
the  Marchese  del  Vasto  at  Milan,  on  his  way.  He 
then  continued  his  journey  through  Chiavenna  to 
Zurich,  where  many  Italian  fugitives  from  the 
Inquisition  were  already  taking  refuge.  The  Swiss 
Pastor  Bullinger  says  that  the — 

"  Signor  Bernardino  of  Siena  remained  here  two 
days,  before  going  on  to  Geneva,  and  we  had  much 
religious  converse.  He  is  celebrated  for  his  sanctity 
and  his  learning ;  a  venerable  man  with  a  tall  figure 
and  an  imposing  appearance.  ...  In  Italy  he  was  so 
greatly  revered  that  he  was  adored  almost  as  a  god.*' 

Peter  Martyr  also  reached  Zurich,  where  he  was 
welcomed  with  great  kindness,  but  as  there  was  no 
offijce  vacant  in  the  ministry  there,  he  went  on  to 
Basle,  from  whence  he  was  invited  to  Strasburg  as 
Professor  of  Theology,  through  the  influence  of 
Martin  Bucer.  We  have  a  long  and  extremely 
interesting  letter  which  he  wrote  to  his  friends  at 
Lucca,  describing  his  joy  in  a  land  of  freedom,  where 
he  could  dare  to  teach  the  whole  truth,  without  fear 
of  bringing  persecution  upon  his  disciples.  During 
the  five  years  which  he  spent  at  Strasburg,  Martyr 
went  through  most  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  in 
his  public  lectures,  which  were  given  in  Latin  ;  and 
he  was  highly  appreciated  for  his  learning  and 
eloquence. 

Here  he  was  joined  for  a  time  by  his  friend  Ber- 


80  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

nardino  Ochino,  who  later  received  a  post  as  preacher 
to  the  Italian  congregation  of  Augsburg  with  a  salary 
of  two  hundred  gulden.  He  also  continued  his 
literary  work,  chiefly  Expositions  and  sermons  on  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul.  But  the  Protestant  community 
at  Augsburg  was  not  long  unmolested,  for  the  city 
was  taken  by  the  Emperor  in  January  1547,  and 
many  ministers  in  Germany  were  compelled  to 
abandon  their  work. 

Meantime,  on  the  accession  of  Edward  VI  in 
England,  both  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  Lord  Protector, 
and  Archbishop  Cranmer  were  anxious  to  advance 
the  reformed  religion,  by  inviting  "  learned  and 
godly  men  "  from  abroad,  to  promote  at  once  learning 
and  the  Protestant  faith.  Both  Peter  Martyr  and 
Ochino  were  amongst  those  invited  to  England  and 
warmly  welcomed  by  the  Archbishop ;  Martyr  was 
appointed  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Oxford, 
and  Ochino  was  made  a  Canon  of  Canterbury,  with 
a  dispensation  of  residence.  We  have  a  curious 
record  of  the  needful  expenses  in  providing  for  this 
journey,  and  in  the  outfit  for  Ochino,  a  fur  cloak  is 
mentioned  and  also  a  dagger  and  belt,  as  it  was  not 
the  custom  to  travel  long  distances  unarmed.  Cran- 
mer had  expressly  desired  that  all  necessary  books 
should  be  obtained,  and  we  find  that  Martyr  bought 
the  Basle  editions  of  Augustine,  Cyprian  and  Epi- 
phanius,  costing  13J  guilders,  while  as  much  as 
40i  guilders  were  spent  on  Bernardino's  books. 
These  were  all  packed  at  Basle  and  sent  by  sea, 
through  Antwerp. 

Ochino  lived  in  London  and  was  appointed  preacher 
to  the  Italian  Protestants  in  the  city,  and  a  church 
was  found  for  his  congregation.     Other  friends  of  his 


PETER  MARTYR  AND  OCHINO         81 

came  over  from  Germany,  after  the  troubles  caused 
amongst  the  Reformers  by  the  "  Interim/'  which  had 
restored  most  of  the  Roman  Catholic  doctrines, 
notably  that  the  services  were  to  be  performed  in 
Latin,  "  lest  they  should  fall  into  contempt  if  the 
people  understood  the  language."  Amongst  the 
Reformers  who  accepted  Cranmer's  invitation  to 
England  were  Bucer  and  Fagius,  both  men  of  great 
learning,  but  the  climate  did  not  suit  them,  and 
they  did  not  long  survive. 

There  were  serious  tumults  in  Oxford,  excited  by 
the  Romish  priests,  in  1549,  and  Peter  Martyr  was 
at  one  time  in  danger  of  his  life  ;  but  when  peace  was 
restored,  the  young  King  Edward  VI  gave  him  an 
audience  at  Richmond,  warmly  congratulated  him 
on  his  escape,  and  promised  him  the  first  vacant 
canonry  at  Christ  Church.  He  had  many  friends  at 
Oxford,  Bishop  Hooper  and  Miles  Coverdale  attended 
his  Lectures,  and  he  saw  much  of  the  Bishops  Latimer 
and  Ridley,  and  other  distinguished  Reformers,  who 
later  suffered  martyrdom  for  their  faith.  In  1552, 
Martyr  was  appointed  one  of  the  committee  under 
Cranmer,  to  revise  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer. 

But  a  great  change  was  at  hand,  when  Edward  VI 
died  on  July  15,  1533,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
sister  Mary.  She  at  once  overthrew  all  that  had 
been  done  in  favour  of  the  Protestants,  and  the 
foreign  Reformer  soon  saw  that  there  was  no  safety 
but  in  flight.  Peter  Martyr  had  recently  recovered 
from  a  severe  illness,  and  was  in  deep  sorrow  for  the 
loss  of  his  wife,  "  a  most  devout  and  pious  woman.'' 
He  was  strongly  advised  by  Cranmer  to  lose  no  time 
in  making  his  escape,  and  after  a  perilous  voyage,  he 
was  landed  at  Antwerp  in  the  middle  of  the  night, 
6 


82  ITALIAN  KEFORMATION 

and  at  length  reached  Strasburg  in  safety.  Here  he 
was,  after  a  time,  appointed  by  the  Senate  to  his 
former  office  of  expounding  Scripture.  He  was  able 
to  show  much  kindness  and  hospitality  to  the  English 
exiles,  amongst  whom  was  Jewel,  then  a  very  young 
man.  But  Strasburg  was  no  longer  a  peaceful  haven, 
as  there  was  much  dissension  amongst  the  Reformers 
there,  and  after  a  few  years  Martyr  was  very  thankful 
to  accept  a  post  as  Professor  of  Hebrew  at  Zurich. 
The  most  important  event  in  his  later  life  was  his 
journey  to  the  Colloquy  of  Poissy,  where  he  took  part 
in  the  famous  controversy  between  Protestants  and 
Roman  Catholics.  He  died  at  Zurich  on  November  12, 
1562,  in  the  midst  of  his  friends,  full  of  years  and 
honours,  dearly  beloved  and  deeply  regretted. 

Bernardino  Ochino  had  a  far  sadder  fate.  His 
troubles  and  disappointments  appear  to  have  preyed 
upon  his  mind,  and  his  writings  after  this  date  became 
unwisely  outspoken.  He  strongly  opposed  the  doc- 
trine of  unconditional  predestination,  asserting  the 
freedom  of  the  will,  and  in  his  "Labyrinth,"  which  he 
dedicated  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  he  gave  much  offence 
to  the  followers  of  Calvin.  "  But  his  last  work 
occasioned  him  the  most  unhappy  fate  ;  it  caused 
him  to  be  deprived  of  his  pastorate,  to  be  driven  from 
Zurich  and  afterwards  from  Basle,  during  a  severe 
winter.  He  was  forced  to  fly  to  the  distant  kingdom 
of  Poland  and  thence  to  Moravia.  *  He  was  tossed 
about  the  world  hither  and  thither  like  a  ball'  He 
had  already  reached  his  seventy-sixth  year,  and  was 
suffering  from  the  troubles  and  infirmities  of  age — 
this  man  who  had  been  equipped  with  such  exceptional 
endowments,  and  had  brought  the  Reformed  Church 
so  much  honour/'    The  work  to  which  this  writer 


PETER  MARTYR  AND  OCHINO         83 

(Schellhorn)  refers  is  the  "  Thirty  Dialogues,  "published 
in  1563. 

In  this  curious  book,  Ochino  lays  himself  out  to 
misunderstanding  by  the  profound  honesty  with 
which  he  states  the  point  of  view  of  the  "  adversary." 
Thus  in  discussing  such  a  subject  as  the  "  Trinity," 
he  says  that  "  we  should  regard  it  with  reverence  and 
faith,  and  not  overstep  the  limits  which  God  has  set 
to  his  revelation  thereof."  But  then  he  suffers  the 
*'  adversary  "  to  use  the  strongest  and  most  learned 
arguments  against  the  doctrine  of  the  Church.  Other 
subjects  considered  too  sacred  for  discussion  are 
treated  in  the  like  manner,  but  possibly  that  which 
gave  the  most  offence  was  a  dialogue  on  "  polygamy," 
in  which  the  "  adversary  "  clearly  proves  that  it  is 
not  forbidden  in  the  Old  Testament.  This  was  quite 
enough  to  condemn  Ochino  in  the  popular  mind, 
though  of  course  the  conclusion  was  against  the 
"  adversary." 

His  biographer,  Benrath,  thus  sums  up  the  evidence 
concerning  the  fate  of  Bernardino  Ochino  : 

'*  His  thoughts  and  the  standpoint  he  took,  have 
in  the  course  of  time,  become  common-places,  but 
they  far  transcended  the  general  intellectual  level 
of  his  own  time.  .  .  .  There  is  something  deeply  tragic 
in  the  fact  of  his  final  cruel  persecution  by  the  Re- 
formers for  his  free  and  tolerant  spirit." 

The  last  we  hear  of  him  is  that  he  was  struck  down 
by  the  plague,  but  partly  recovered,  and  wearied  to 
death,  he  bade  his  friends  and  companions  in  the 
Faith,  a  last  farewell  on  Advent  Sunday,  1564,  and 
died  in  solitude  at  Schlackau,  in  Moravia. 


84  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

"  When  near  the  close  of  his  long  life,  he  looked 
back  with  tears  upon  his  long  path  of  sorrows,  he  was 
still  able  to  say,  for  the  consolation  of  his  friends  :  I 
have  had  to  suffer  many  things,  but  that  is  spared 
to  none  of  Christ's  disciples  and  apostles.  But  that 
I  have  been  able  to  endure  all  things,  shows  forth  the 
might  of  the  Lord/'  * 

^  Karl  Benrath. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

RENKE   OF  FERRARA 

Story  of  Ren6e  of  France  who  married  Ercole  of  Ferrara — Splendid 
wedding — Literary  society  at  Ferrara — Ariosto,  Tasso,  C16ment 
Marot,  etc. — Visit  to  Venice — Death  of  Duke  Alfonso  d'Este, 
1534 — and  of  Clement  VII — Duke  Ercole  opposes  the  spread  of 
Reform  at  Ferrara — Sends  away  some  of  his  wife's  friends — Her 
distress. 

Ferrara,  which  had  long  been  distinguished  as  a 
seat  of  classical  learning  and  of  the  fine  arts,  was  also 
destined  to  become  famous  as  a  centre  of  Reformed 
opinions  and  a  refuge  for  those  who  were  exiles  for 
their  religion.  Ercole,  the  son  of  the  reigning  Duke 
Alfonso,  sealed  an  alliance  with  France  against  Pope 
Clement  VII,  by  his  marriage  with  Renee  the  daughter 
of  Louis  XII,  in  the  year  1528. 

During  the  lifetime  of  her  mother,  Anne  de  Bretagne, 
more  ambitious  hopes  had  been  entertained  for  the 
young  princess,  but  they  had  all  fallen  through,  and 
her  brother-in-law  Frangois  I,  was  quite  satisfied  to 
bestow  her  hand  upon  an  Italian  Prince,  who  would 
not  require  the  half  of  her  mother's  possessions. 
Renee  had  been  brought  up  at  the  French  Court  with 
her  cousin  Marguerite,  who  became  Queen  of  Navarre, 
and  both  the  young  girls  were  distinguished  for  their 
talent,  and  seem  to  have  been  already  attracted  by 
the  new  spirit  of  religious  reform  which  was  spread- 
ing over  all  Europe. 

85 


86  ITALIAN    REFOEMATION 

The  Princess  Renee  was  certainly  not  beautiful, 
she  was  even  slightly  deformed ;  and  her  father 
remarked  one  day  when  she  was  about  five  years  old 
that  '*  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  husband  who 
would  love  her."  But  the  Queen  replied  coldly  that 
**  the  love  of  mere  beauty  soon  passed,  it  was  the 
beauty  of  soul  which  inspired  a  lasting  affection/' 

It  is  a  doubtful  question  whether  Ercole  d'Este 
was  a  man  to  appreciate  this  higher  form  of  beauty, 
and  his  marriage  may  certainly  be  looked  upon  rather 
as  one  of  policy  than  of  love.  It  was  a  brilliant  success 
to  obtain  a  King's  daughter  for  his  bride,  and  the 
wedding  festivities  were  gorgeous  enough  to  satisfy 
his  highest  ambition.  The  marriage  was  celebrated 
at  Paris  on  June  28,  1528,  with  great  pomp  and 
splendour.  We  have  a  very  full  account  of  all  the 
great  personages  present,  and  of  the  Princess  Renee 
in  her  regal  robes,  of  crimson  velvet  covered  with 
precious  jewels  ;  probably  some  of  those  which  she 
had  just  received  from  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  to  the 
value  of  100,000  crowns  in  gold.  Her  long  fair  hair — 
her  chief  beauty — streamed  over  her  shoulders,  from 
beneath  the  crown  of  precious  stones ;  and  the 
bridegroom  rivalled  her  in  the  magnificence  of  his 
priceless  gems. 

The  festivities  continued  for  more  than  a  month ; 
there  were  balls  and  banquets,  as  well  as  hunting 
parties  at  St.  Germains  and  Fontainebleau,  so  that 
it  was  not  until  September  that  the  wedding  party 
set  out  towards  Italy  ;  travelling  by  slow  stages 
through  Lyons,  Turin,  Parma,  Reggio  and  Modena, 
where  they  were  received  with  great  state,  and  the 
bride  was  warmly  welcomed  by  Isabella  d'Este,  sister 
of  Duke  Alfonso.     The  wedding  party  sailed  in  superb 


RENEE  OF  FERRARA  87 

Bucentaurs  on  the  river  Po,  to  the  city  of  Ferrara, 
where  the  bride's  reception  was  still  more  magnificent. 
With  all  the  church-bells  ringing  and  the  salvo  of 
cannon,  she  was  borne  in  a  litter,  beneath  a  superb 
canopy,  through  the  richly  decorated  streets ;  with  a 
train  of  eighty  noble  pages  in  crimson  brocade, 
wearing  rose-coloured  caps  with  white  plumes.  These 
were  preceded  by  the  prelates,  priests  and  professors, 
and  a  long  procession  of  nobles  on  horseback.  After 
the  nuptial  benediction  in  the  Cathedral,  the  bride 
was  presented  with  the  keys  of  the  city  on  a  silver 
salver. 

Yet  all  this  magnificence  could  scarcely  veil  the 
deep  depression  which  hung  over  Ferrara,  where  the 
plague  had  raged  so  terribly  during  the  summer,  that 
20,000  persons  were  said  to  have  fallen  victims  to  it. 
There  may  have  been  still  some  risk  of  infection,  for 
we  learn  that  one  of  the  French  ambassadors  who 
had  accompanied  the  wedding  party,  died  at  Modena 
of  the  dreaded  disease.  It  almost  seems  as  if  a 
shadow  hung  over  Renee  from  the  first.  It  was 
unfortunate  for  her  that  almost  immediately  after 
this,  the  armies  of  France  began  to  lose  ground  in 
Italy,  and  one  defeat  after  another  led  up  to  the 
Treaty  of  Cambrai,  when  there  was  real  danger  that 
Ferrara  would  be  sacrificed  to  the  Pope's  vengeance. 

But  Duke  Alfonso  hastened  to  do  homage  to  the 
victorious  Emperor,  and  through  his  wise  diplomacy 
the  peril  was  averted.  Even  when  the  alliance  with 
France  had  lost  political  value,  Alfonso  always  be- 
haved with  the  utmost  kindness  to  his  daughter-in- 
law.  He  was  a  man  of  enough  talent  and  intelligence 
to  appreciate  Renee's  intellectual  tastes,  and  he 
showed   every   encouragement   to   the   distinguished 


88  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

scholars,  who  had  followed  her  from  France  or  who 
gathered  round  her  Court  from  various  parts  of  Italy. 
Amongst  the  friends  of  the  Duke,  Lodovico  Ariosto, 
the  author  of  the  "  Orlando  Furioso,"  was  one  of  the 
most  famous.  His  heroic  poem,  in  forty  cantos,  the 
fashionable  reading  of  the  day,  had  been  written 
sixteen  years  before,  but  the  last  edition  published 
in  his  lifetime,  saw  the  light  at  Ferrara  in  1532. 
Learned  and  accomplished  as  she  was,  Renee  did  not 
speak  Italian  well,  and  was  obliged  to  use  an  inter- 
preter in  these  early  days.  We  can  understand 
therefore  that  she  was  much  more  at  home  with  the 
French  members  of  her  suite,  Madame  de  Soubise  her 
governess — poetess  and  translator  of  the  Psalms — 
and  her  distinguished  family.  She  had  been  the 
earliest  patron  of  Clement  Marot,  the  typical  French 
poet  of  his  day,  who  "  combined  the  valour  of  a 
soldier  and  the  manners  of  a  courtier,"  with  the  most 
delightful  literary  taste  and  wit.  He  was  a  frequent 
visitor  at  the  Court  of  Ferrara,  especially  in  later 
days  when  his  reformed  religious  views  were  more 
pronounced. 

Amongst  the  poets  of  Ferrara  who  wrote  verses  in 
honour  of  Renee,  was  Bernardo  Tasso,  to  whom  she 
showed  much  favour,  and  who  was  appointed  her 
secretary  as  early  as  the  year  after  her  marriage. 
Amongst  the  distinguished  men  who  joined  her  circle 
in  these  early  clays,  we  may  mention  the  learned  Celio 
Calcagnini,  Canon  of  the  Cathedral  and  Professor  of 
Literature,  and  Albert  Lollio — joint  founders  of  the 
Academy  of  the  "  Elevati."  Science  as  well  as 
literature  was  represented  in  the  persons  of  Giovanni 
Mainardi  and  his  distinguished  scholar,  Antonio  Musa 
Brasavola,  Professors  of  Medicine.     Antonio,  who  was 


EENEE  OF  FERRARA  89 

the  son  of  Count  Francesco  Brasavola,  was  Reader  in 
Dialectics  at  the  University  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  and 
two  years  later  held  public  disputations  at  Padua 
and  Bologna  ;  on  theology,  philosophy,  mathematics, 
astronomy  and  medicine.  He  had  travelled  to  France 
as  chief  physician,  with  Ercole  at  the  time  of  his 
marriage,  and  was  consulted  at  various  times  both 
by  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope.  His  favourite  study 
was  botany,  and  he  introduced  many  new  herbal 
remedies. 

But  Renee  found  her  most  intimate  friends  in  the 
family  of  Madame  de  Soubise,  who  had  been  Lady  in 
Waiting  to  Anne  de  Bretagne,  and  whose  two  youngest 
daughters,  Renata  and  Carlotta,  had  accompanied 
her  to  Ferrara  as  well  as  her  son  Lusignan  de  Par- 
thenay.  His  companion  in  arms,  the  young  Count 
Antoine  de  Pons,  was  betrothed  to  his  eldest  sister 
Anne  de  Parthenay,  the  special  favourite  of  the 
French  Princess,  who  shared  all  her  studies  and  her 
tastes,  and  was  destined,  with  most  of  her  family, 
to  dare  and  suffer  much  for  the  reformed  doctrines. 
Anne  soon  joined  the  Court  of  Ferrara  of  which  she 
was  a  brilliant  ornament,  and  here,  early  in  1534, 
her  marriage  with  Antoine  de  Pons  was  solemnised 
with  all  the  honours  and  festivities  which  Renee 
could  arrange.  Her  husband  Ercole,  had  no  friendly 
feeling  towards  any  of  the  companions  she  had  brought 
from  France,  and  he  appears  to  have  avoided  the 
wedding  by  going  to  spend  the  Carnival  at  Venice. 

Other  interests  had  entered  into  the  life  of  Renee, 
for  in  November  1531,  a  daughter  had  been  born  to 
her,  who  received  the  name  of  Anne,  from  her  grand- 
mother. Two  years  later  there  had  been  great 
rejoicings  in  Ferrara  on  the  birth  of  a  son  and  heir. 


90  ITALIAN   EEFORMATION 

who  was  named  Alfonso,  and  was  held  at  the  font  by 
the  Cardinal  Ippolito  d'Este,  as  proxy  for  Fran9ois  I. 
This  event  appears  to  have  lightened  the  gloom  which 
hung  over  the  city  since  the  death  of  the  poet  Lodovico 
Ariosto,  in  the  previous  June,  1533.  This  was  a 
great  blow  to  the  French  Princess  and  her  literary 
circle,  for  he  was  a  brilliant,  genial  companion,  ever 
ready  to  take  a  part  in  organising  the  Plays  which 
formed  a  part  of  all  public  entertainments.  He  was 
a  great  admirer  of  Renee  and  has  immortalised  her 
in  the  following  lines.  After  speaking  of  other 
ladies  of  the  House  of  Este,  he  says  : 

*'  Noil  voglio  ch'ia  silenzio  anco  Renata 
Di  Francia,  nuora  di  costei,  rimanga, 
Di  Luigi  duodecimo  re  nata, 
E  de  I'eterna  gloria  di  Bretagna. 
Ogni  virtil  ch'in  donna  mai  sia  stata, 
Di  poi  che'l  fuoco  scalda  e  I'acqua  bagna, 
E  gira  intorno  il  cielo,  insieme  tutta 
Per  Renata  adornar  veggio  ridutta."  ^ 

Dante  had  once  exclaimed  that  Ferrara  had  no 
poets  ;  but  now  it  was  no  longer  true,  for  we  have 
seen  here  the  death  of  one  famous  writer,  and  another 
was  to  be  harboured  later  within  her  walls ;  the 
singer  of  "  Armida,"  Torquato  Tasso,  the  son  of 
Renee's  secretary. 

It  was  in  the  spring  of  1534  that  the  French  Princess 
paid  her  eventful  visit  to  Venice,  m  order  to  see  the 
Festa  of  the  Ascension.  Duke  Alfonso  had  gone  to 
Milan  for  the  wedding  of  his  nephew,  the  Duke 
Francesco  Sforza  with  Christina  of  Denmark,  taking 
Titian  with  him  to  paint  their  portraits.  Ercole 
remained   at   home,   but   his   wife  was   supposed  to 

^  "  Orlando  Furioso,"  xiii.  71. 


RENEE  OF  FERRARA  91 

represent  him  and  she  went  in  great  state,  taking 
with  her,  by  special  request  of  Franyois  I,  the  Count 
de  Pons  as  her  Lord  in  Waiting,  and  his  bride  Anne 
de  Parthenay.  She  was  received  with  great  ceremony 
and  conducted  to  the  Este  Palace,  the  Fondaco  dei 
Turchi,  a  beautiful  Byzantine  building  of  the  ninth 
century,  one  of  the  earliest  buildings,  not  ecclesi- 
astical, in  Venice.  It  was  not  far  from  the  Rialto 
bridge,  then  built  of  wood. 

Renee's  visit  was  one  succession  of  splendid  enter- 
tainments. She  was  taken  to  see  the  Arsenal,  the 
treasures  of  the  Signoria  were  spread  out  before  her  ; 
she  was  conducted  in  state  to  Murano,  and  finally  was 
the  most  honoured  guest  in  the  splendid  ceremony 
of  the  betrothal  of  the  Doge  to  the  sea,  in  the  gorgeous 
procession  of  Bucentaurs.  It  is  interesting  to  re- 
member that  the  Doge  Andrea  Gritti,  who  received 
the  Princess  cap  in  hand,  who  embraced  her  and 
conducted  her  with  torches  to  the  steps  of  her  palace, 
was  the  same  Doge  who  had  endured  the  terrible 
defeat  of  Agnadello,  and  was  now  receiving  the 
daughter  of  his  conqueror,  Louis  XII,  and  all  for  the 
sake  of  his  friendship  towards  the  House  of  Este. 
It  was  a  costly  expedition,  for  we  learn  that  1,584  lire 
were  spent  in  gifts. 

But  the  real  importance  of  this  stay  in  Venice  to 
Renee  and  many  of  her  suite,  was  that  here  they 
found  the  Reformed  doctrines  openly  taught  by 
disciples  of  Calvin,  and  were  able  to  have  religious 
conversations,  and  to  obtain  freely,  books  of  the 
Reformers.  It  is  quite  possible  that  her  strong 
interest  in  all  that  she  heard  of  Calvin,  may  have  had 
some  connection  with  the  visit  which  he  paid  to 
Ferrara  two  years  later. 


92  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

The  year  1534  was  an  eventful  period  for  the  Este 
family.  On  September  25,  Clement  VII,  the  great 
enemy  of  Ferrara,  breathed  his  last,  and  Duke  Alfonso, 
for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  felt  secure  of  his  dominions. 
But  his  peace  on  earth  was  of  short  duration,  for 
within  a  month  he  too  passed  away  after  a  short 
illness.  He  was  much  beloved  by  his  people  and 
deeply  regretted  by  them  as  well  as  by  his  daughter- 
in-law,  to  whom  he  had  always  proved  a  faithful  friend 
and  champion.  His  son  and  successor,  Ercole  II, 
was  a  far  weaker  character  than  his  father,  with 
narrower  views  and  less  intelligence  and  generosity. 

He  had  always  disliked  the  French  members  of 
Renee's  Court  whom  she  had  brought  with  her  from 
Paris,  and  he  suspected  that  they  were  responsible 
for  the  growing  feeling  of  estrangement  between 
himself  and  his  wife.  The  new  Duke  was  also  well 
aware  of  the  reformed  opinions  held  by  Madame  de 
Soubise  and  her  family,  and  now  that  he  was  very 
anxious  to  be  on  good  terms  with  the  Pope,  he  re- 
solved to  dismiss  all  the  French  suite.  But  he  met 
with  great  opposition,  not  only  on  the  part  of  the 
Duchess,  but  of  the  King  of  France,  who  strongly 
pleaded  that  she  should  be  allowed  to  keep  her  friends. 

Amongst  other  visitors  at  the  Court  of  Ferrara 
about  this  time  was  one  in  whom  Renee  took  special 
interest,  Clement  Marot  the  poet,  in  whose  gay 
society  and  brilliant  intelligence  she  had  taken  great 
delight  before  she  left  France.  His  life  had  already 
been  full  of  adventure,  for  in  the  service  of  Franyois  I, 
who  delighted  in  his  merry  society,  he  had  accom- 
panied the  King  to  Italy,  and  had  been  wounded 
and  taken  prisoner  at  the  Battle  of  Pavia.  On  his 
return  to  Paris,  he  was  arrested  for  heresy  and  cast 


RENEE  OF  FERRARA  93 

into  the  dungeon  of  the  Chatelet,  but  when  he  was 
tried  before  the  Bishop  of  Chartres,  this  genial  prelate 
only  confined  him  in  a  comfortable  house  near,  his 
palace.  There  is  a  legend  that  the  townsfolk  of 
Chartres  used  to  sing  his  own  songs  beneath  the 
window  of  his  room  to  cheer  his  mild  captivity. 
Besides  his  special  patroness,  Marguerite  of  Navarre, 
it  was  well  for  him  that  he  had  many  powerful  friends, 
as  he  was  always  getting  into  trouble  for  his  opposition 
to  authority,  and  his  outspoken  opinions. 

After  various  vicissitudes,  in  the  midst  of  which 
he  married,  he  settled  at  Lyons  and  became  a  member 
of  its  lively  literary  circle.  In  1533  came  the  terrible 
persecution  of  the  French  Protestants,  and  Marot, 
warned  in  time,  fled  to  the  Court  of  Marguerite  at 
Beam.  Feeling  insecure  even  under  the  protection 
of  the  King's  sister,  in  the  early  summer  of  1535,  he 
crossed  the  Alps  and  presented  himself  at  the  Court 
of  Ferrara.  Here  Marot  received  a  warm  welcome 
from  the  Duchess,  who  "  looked  upon  him  as  another 
Ovid,"  so  he  tells  us  in  his  "  Coq  a  Tane."  She 
appointed  him  her  secretary,  with  an  income  of 
200  livres  a  year,  and  the  poet  was  so  delighted  that 
he  wrote  a  poem,  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  his  friends, 
which  begins  thus — a  play  upon  her  name  Renee 
(born  again) : 

"  Mes  amis,  j'ay  change  ma  Dame : 
Une  autre  a  dessus  moy  puissance, 
N^e  deux  fois,  de  nom  at  d'ame, 
Enfant  de  Roy  par  sa  naissance : 
Enfant  du  Ciel  par  connoissance 
De  Celuy  qui  la  aauvera.  .  .  ."  ^ 

It  was  no  new  thing  for  Marot  to  write  in  her 

^  Marot  CEuvres,  torn.  ii.  p.  57,  ed,  a  la  Haye. 


94  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

praise  ;  he  had  already,  in  1528,  composed  a  "  Chant 
nuptial  du  mariage  de  Madame  Renee  fille  de  France 
avec  le  due  de  Ferrare,"  in  ten  long  stanzas,  bringing 
in  a  great  deal  of  adulation  and  mythology,  and 
beginning  with  a  kind  of  trumpet  strain  of  welcome 
to  Ercole  (w^ho  was  not  yet  Duke)  : 

"  Quel  est  ce  due  venu  nouvellement 
En  si  bel  ordre  et  riche  a  I'avantage  ? 
On  juge  bien  a  le  voir  seulement 
Qu'il  est  yssu  d'excellent  parentage. 
N'est-ce  celluy  qui  en  fleurissant  age 
Doit  espouser  la  princesse  Renee  ?  " 

Brantome  tells  us  that  Marot's  residence  at  Ferrara 
served  to  confirm  her  attachment  to  the  reformed 
doctrines,  by  the  accounts  which  he  gave  of  the 
persecutions  in  France,  of  the  sufferings  and  constancy 
of  her  friends  ;  and  also  his  keen  satire  of  the  Roman 
Church.  The  poet  found  himself  in  a  congenial 
atmosphere  at  Ferrara,  for  Madame  de  Soubise,  the 
warm  patroness  of  his  father  Jean  Marot,  had  always 
shown  him  great  favour,  while  his  witty  epigrams 
and  the  "  piquant  gallantry  of  his  verses  were  the 
delight  of  the  whole  company/' 

Meantime  Duke  Ercole  II  had  carried  out  his  long 
delayed  expedition  to  Rome  that  he  might  offer  his 
congratulations  to  the  new  Pope  Paul  III  on  his 
accession  to  the  Papal  dignity.  He  set  forth  on 
September  19,  1535,  taking  with  him  the  famous 
doctor  Brasavola,  and  a  suite  of  260  persons,  arriving 
at  Rome  on  October  9,  after  a  slow  and  stately  journey. 
He  did  not  meet  with  the  success  which  he  anticipated, 
either  in  his  negotiations  with  the  Pope  and  Cardinals, 
or  later,  when  he  went  to  Naples  to  meet  the  Emperor, 
who  had  returned  from  a  successful  expedition  in 


EENEE  OF  FERRARA  95 

Africa.  Ercole  was  also  much  worried  by  news  from 
Ferrara,  where  he  was  told  by  his  spies  that  there 
was  an  intrigue  on  foot  to  induce  Renee  to  go  to 
France. 

He  had  so  far  delayed  his  purpose  of  expelling  all 
his  wife's  French  friends,  as  she  was  in  delicate  health, 
and  he  wished  to  spare  her  until  after  the  birth  of  her 
child.  In  December  1535  a  second  daughter  was 
born  to  Renee,  who  received  the  name  of  Lucrezia, 
and  was  in  after  years  the  object  of  Torquato  Tasso's 
adoration.  The  Duke  himself  did  not  return  to 
Ferrara  until  January  13,  the  next  year,  and  finding 
his  wife  ill  and  depressed,  he  wrote  to  invite  his  aunt 
Isabella  d'Este  to  pay  them  a  visit,  and  spend  the 
carnival  at  Ferrara.  The  Marchesa  arrived  on 
January  30,  and  seems  to  have  much  enjoyed  the 
festivities  given  in  her  honour.  Clement  Marot,  with 
the  curious  fantastic  taste  of  that  age,  had  addressed 
a  poem  to  the  yet  unborn  child  of  Renee,  beginning 
with  these  words  :  "  Petit  enfant,  quel  que  sois,  fille 
ou  fils .  .  ."  continuing  : 

"  You  will  find  a  century  in  which  you  can  quickly 
learn  all  that  a  child  can  understand.  .  .  .  Come 
then  boldly,  and  when  you  grow  older,  you  will 
find  something  better  still :  you  will  find  a  war 
already  begun — the  war  against  ignorance  and  its 
insensate  troops.  .  .  .  Oh,  happy  days  to  those  who 
know,  and  happier  still  to  those  who  are  born  to-day.'' 

Rabelais,  in  a  letter  written  this  year,  says :  "  I 
fear  the  Duchess  will  suffer  much,  as  the  Duke  has 
sent  away  Madame  de  Soubise,  her  governess,  and 
the  French  waiting-women,   so  that  she  is  served 


96  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

entirely  by  Italians."  This  had  taken  place  on 
March  20,  1535,  and  it  was  quite  true  that  Renee 
had  felt  the  parting  bitterly,  but  she  had  long  ex- 
pected it.  Marot  wrote  a  charming  poem  of  farewell 
to  his  kind  patroness,  in  which  he  recalls  how  she 
was  a  favourite  and  friend  of  Anne  of  Bretagne,  how 
she  and  her  noble  house  were  always  beloved  of  the 
Muses,  how  she  had  encouraged  poets  and  learned 
men,  and  how  bitterly  she  will  be  regretted  in  Ferrara 
after  seven  years  of  faithful  service.  With  all  his 
light-hearted  frivolity,  Clement  Marot  had  very 
strong  religious  views,  and  it  is  believed  that  a  serious 
poem  on  such  matters  which  he  wrote  to  Fran9ois  I, 
from  Ferrara,  induced  the  French  King  to  invite 
Melanchthon  to  Paris  that  he  might  help  in  making 
peace  between  the  religious  parties  in  France.  But 
this  was  never  to  happen  ! 

Early  in  the  year  1536,  Marot  himself  was  driven 
from  his  peaceful  shelter  at  Ferrara,  and  compelled 
to  take  refuge  in  Venice.  From  there  he  wrote  the 
well-known  poem  to  Marguerite  of  Navarre,  in  which 
he  appeals  to  her  on  behalf  of  Renee  her  sister-in-law, 
in  37  verses,  of  which  I  will  quote  three : 

"  Ha  !  Marguerite,  escoute  la  soufErance 
Du  noble  coeur  de  Ren^e  de  France ; 
Puis  comme  soeur  plus  fort  que  d'espdrance 
Console-la. 

"  Tu  sais  comment  hors  son  pays  alia, 
Et  que  parents  et  amis  laissa  la, 
Mais  tu  ne  sais  quel  traitement  elle  a 
En  terre  estrange. 

"  Elle  ne  voit  ceult  a  qui  se  veult  plaindre, 
Son  ceil  rayant  si  loing  ne  peut  attaindre ; 
Et  puis  les  monts  pour  ce  bien  lui  estaindre 
Sont  entre  deux." 


CHAPTER   IX 

CALVIN  AND  HIS  VISIT  TO  FERRARA 

Life  of  Calvin — At  the  University  of  Paris — Marguerite  of  Navarre 
his  patron — Writings  of  Calvin — "  Institution  Chr^tienne." — 
Calvin  visits  Ferrara — Circle  of  Reformers  in  that  city — Clement 
Marot  translates  the  Psalms  into  French  verse — Prohibited  by 
the  Inquisition. 

We  have  now  reached  a  most  interesting  point  in 
this  "  History  of  the  Men  and  Women  of  the  Italian 
Reformation/'  In  the  year  1536,  Ferrara  gave 
shelter  to  a  greater  Reformer  than  any  of  Italian 
birth,  for  the  visit  of  Calvin  was  an  epoch  in  the 
eventful  Hfe  of  the  city.  A  brief  account  of  his 
earlier  life  may  not  be  out  of  place,  in  order  to 
understand  the  point  at  which  he  had  then  arrived 
in  his  mental  and  religious  development,  and  the 
importance  of  his  meeting  with  the  Duchess  Renee. 

Jean  Calvin  was  born  on  July  10,  1509,  in  Noyon, 
a  cathedral  town  of  Picardy.  It  was  the  year  when  our 
Henry  VIII  came  to  the  throne,  when  Melanchthon 
at  the  age  of  thirteen  matriculated  in  Heidelberg, 
when  Erasmus  was  in  Rome,  when  Luther  had  been 
called  to  Wittenberg.  Calvin  was  of  humble  birth ; 
his  ancestors  had  been  bargemen  on  the  river  Oise, 
but  his  father  Gerard  Calvin  had  risen  to  the  position 
of  "Notaire  Apostolique,  and  Secretaire  de  TEvesche.'' 
His  mother  Jeanne  is  spoken  of  as  a  beautiful  woman 
and  remarkably  devout.     Beza  tells  us  that  the  father 

7  97 


98  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

was  rich  enougli  to  bring  up  his  family  in  a  good 
position,  and  to  give  his  talented  second  son,  Jean, 
an  excellent  education.  Being  in  favour  with  the 
Bishop  of  Noyon,  he  was  able  to  obtain  for  the  boy 
the  equivalent  of  a  scholarship  at  the  present  time — 
the  revenues  of  a  chapel  in  the  cathedral,  and  later 
those  of  a  curacy  near.  In  1523,  Jean  was  sent  to 
the  old  and  famous  University  of  Paris,  which  was 
then  in  a  terrible  condition  as  regards  morals  and 
discipline,  if  we  are  to  believe  half  that  we  are  told 
by  Erasmus  and  Rabelais. 

But  this  lad  of  fourteen  appears  to  have  so  chosen 
his  friends  as  to  pass  unharmed  through  the  ordeal, 
and  he  was  fortunate  in  having  as  his  teacher,  the 
enthusiastic  and  learned  Mathurin  Cordier,  who,  in 
later  years,  became  his  pupil  in  religion,  and  followed 
him  to  exile  in  Geneva.  The  same  devotion  to  the 
reformed  faith  was  shown  by  Michel  Cop,  youngest 
son  of  Guillaume  Cop,  the  King's  physician,  whose 
family  showed  the  utmost  affection  to  young  Calvin. 
In  1528,  his  father  decided  that  Jean  should  devote 
himself  to  law  rather  than  theology,  and  for  that 
purpose  sent  him  to  Orleans,  where  he  studied 
jurisprudence  under  Pierre  de  I'Estoile,  and  Greek 
under  Melchior  Wolmar.  Here  he  first  met  Theodore 
Beza,  then  a  boy  of  ten.  Gerard  Calvin  died  in  1531, 
and  the  next  year  Jean  published  a  Commentary  on 
the  '*De  Clementia  "  of  Seneca.  This  first  work  was 
a  splendid  success,  and  the  youth  of  twenty-three 
was  declared  to  have  excelled  in  classical  knowledge, 
Aleander,  Reuchlin  and  Erasmus. 

In  October  1533,  Calvin  went  to  Paris,  where 
Marguerite  of  Navarre  held  her  Court,  showing  great 
favour  to  the  preachers  of  the  reformed  doctrijies, 


CALVIN  AND  HIS  VISIT  TO  FERRARA    99 

amongst  whom  was  her  almoner,  Gerard  Roussel, 
and  she  warmly  welcomed  the  coming  of  Jean  Calvin. 
In  the  King's  absence,  some  strict  theologians  had 
just  prohibited  her  "Mirror  of  a  Sinful  Soul/'  to 
her  great  indignation.  The  subject  came  before  the 
University,  and  it  was  Calvin  who  wrote  the  famous 
rectorial  address,  which  the  rector,  Nicolas  Cop, 
revised  and  delivered.  In  this  we  see  how  far  the 
young  scholar  had  advanced  on  the  road  to  Reform. 
He  had  learnt  from  Erasmus  to  compare  the  Church 
of  his  own  time  with  the  ideal  of  Christ,  while  by 
Luther's  "  Exposition  of  the  Beatitudes "  he  had 
been  taught  the  difference  between  Law  and  Gospel 
and  the  involved  doctrines  of  Grace  and  Faith.  With 
splendid  courage  he  defended  the  cause  of  the  perse- 
cuted Reformers,  amongst  whom  was  the  martyred 
Etienne  de  la  Forge  ;  and  the  result  of  this  frankness 
was  that  he  had  before  long  to  flee  from  Paris. 

He  went  to  Noyon  and  resigned  all  the  offices  he 
held,  leaving  himself  penniless  ;  was  thrown  into 
prison,  but  set  free  by  royal  influence.  He  returned 
for  a  time  to  Orleans,  and  here  wrote  a  most  interesting 
treatise  against  the  belief  of  the  Anabaptists,  that  the 
soul  of  man  falls  into  a  sleep  of  unconsciousness 
between  death  and  judgment.  He  maintained  that 
"  conscious  personal  being  was  too  precious  in  itself, 
and  in  the  sight  of  God  too  sacred,  to  be  allowed  to 
suffer  even  a  temporary  lapse."  As  profound  study 
brought  deeper  knowledge,  Calvin  became  more 
strongly  confirmed  in  the  cause  of  reform,  which  he 
found  it  impossible  to  serve  aright  with  the  stake 
waiting  for  him  ;  and  as  much  for  the  safety  of  his 
friends  as  his  own,  he  retired  from  France  and  settled 
at  Basle  in  the  winter  of  1534. 


100  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

This  home  of  freedom  and  learning  was  indeed 
a  welcome  refuge  to  the  weary  exile,  who  in  the 
stimulating  society  of  earnest  and  devoted  Reformers, 
could  work  unhindered  at  his  great  book,  "  Christianas 
Religionis  Institutio."  The  letter  which  dedicates  it 
to  Frangois  I,  is  "  one  of  the  great  epistles  of  the 
world,  a  splendid  apology  for  the  oppressed  and 
arraignment  of  the  oppressors."  It  breathes  a  spirit 
of  righteous  anger  against  injustice  in  high  places, 
and  of  noble  enthusiasm  for  the  cause  of  truth  and 
freedom.  The  book  itself  is  a  masterly  account  of 
reform  in  religion,  dwelling  more  on  worship,  on 
morals  and  on  polity  than  on  dogma. 

The  First  Chapter  treats  of  the  Ten  Commandments 
as  a  rule  of  duty  and  conduct ;  the  Second,  with  Faith 
as  described  in  the  Apostolic  symbol ;  the  Third, 
with  prayer  as  taught  by  the  words  of  Christ ;  the 
Fourth,  with  the  Sacrament  as  given  in  the  New 
Testament ;  the  fifth  touches  on  the  false  sacraments 
as  defined  by  tradition  and  commanded  by  Catholic 
rule  and  custom  ;  and  the  Sixth  deals  with  Christian 
liberty,  and  the  relation  of  Church  and  State.  Liberty 
Calvin  defines  as  ;  "  freedom  from  the  law  as  a  means 
of  acceptance  with  God  ;  the  spontaneous  obedience 
of  the  justified  to  the  Divine  will,  and  freedom  either 
to  observe  or  neglect  those  external  things  which  are 
themselves  indifferent.'" 

This  work  gave  to  the  French  Reformers  that  which 
they  so  much  needed,  a  definite  system  of  theology  ; 
a  profession  of  Faith  which  would  serve  to  unite  their 
forces  in  one  serried  line  of  battle.  Only  by  thus 
giving  up  the  spirit  of  free  enquiry  could  the  Pro- 
testants in  France  attain  that  cohesion,  which  would 
enable  them  to  remain  steadfast  and  hold  their  own 


CALVIN  AND  HIS  VISIT  TO  FERRARA    101 

against  the  terrible  persecution  which  they  had  to 
endure.  Thus  we  see  how,  during  the  next  twenty- 
five  years  of  their  deepest  need,  they  turned  for 
strength  and  support  to  the  writer  of  the  "  Institution 
Chretienne,"  the  strong  man  who  ruled  that  far-off 
city  of  freedom. 

Calvin  had  scarcely  left  Paris  in  the  winter  of 
1534,  before  the  storm  of  persecution  broke  forth 
with  fury.  Two  hundred  persons  were  accused  of 
heresy  and  sent  to  prison  by  the  middle  of 
November,  and  before  the  year  ended,  the  number 
was  doubled.  Eight  martyrs  had  been  burned  before 
Christmas,  and  when  Frangois  I  returned  to  Paris  at 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1535,  he  announced  his 
purpose  of  exterminating  heresy  from  France.  In 
January  six  more  persons  were  burned,  and  seventy- 
three  members  of  the  Reformed  faith  who  had  fled 
from  Paris,  were  summoned  before  the  Courts,  and 
failing  to  appear,  sentence  of  attainder  and  confisca- 
tion of  their  goods,  was  passed  upon  them.  Amongst 
these  were  Clement  Marot,  then  safe  at  Ferrara,  and 
the  great  friend  of  Calvin,  Marthurin  Cordier.  Far 
worse  was  to  follow,  and  we  shudder  at  the  thought 
of  the  coming  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  and  the 
devastating  persecution,  when,  in  three  months, 
more  than  ten  thousand  so-called  heretics  were  slain 
by  the  pitiless  Inquisition. 

"  L'Institution  Chretienne  "  was  published  in  March 
1536,  and  immediately  afterwards,  Calvin  set  forth 
on  a  hurried  journey  to  Ferrara.  Many  legends 
have  grown  up  regarding  this  visit,  but  we  have  few 
trustworthy  details  of  it.  Theodore  Beza,  the  friend 
and  biographer  of  the  great  Reformer,  simply  remarks 
that  when  his  book  was  finished,  he  was  seized  with 


102  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

a  strong  desire  to  pay  his  respects  in  person  to  the 
Duchess,  of  whose  piety  he  had  heard  so  much.  He 
longed  for  a  passing  glance  at  Italy  which  was  awaken- 
ing to  a  strong  interest  in  the  reformed  doctrines ; 
and  he  earnestly  hoped  that  the  Court  of  Renee 
might  become  a  centre,  as  well  as  a  refuge  for  those 
who  were  seeking  to  restore  the  Christian  Church  to 
its  primitive  purity  and  simplicity. 

At  this  moment  there  was  peace  in  Europe,  and 
the  previous  November  the  Emperor  Charles  V  had 
made  a  triumphant  entry  into  Naples,  where  he  was 
hailed  as  conqueror  of  the  dreaded  Barbarossa,  and 
champion  of  Christendom.  It  was  therefore  possible 
for  Calvin  and  his  friend  Louis  du  Tillet,  to  travel 
in  safety  across  the  Alps  and  reach  Ferrara  without 
encountering  hostile  armies.  He  assumed  the  name 
of  Charles  d'Espeville,  being  too  well  known  as  a 
leader  of  Reform,  to  travel  under  his  own.  Here  in 
Ferrara,  he  found  a  group  of  earnest  disciples  who 
attended  his  religious  conferences  in  the  private 
apartments  of  Renee  ;  not  only  the  French  members 
of  her  Court  who  still  remained  with  her  after  the 
dismissal  of  Madame  de  Soubise,  but  Italians  and 
others  are  mentioned.  There  was  the  accomplished 
Anne  de  Pons,  and  her  husband  Antoine,  who  re- 
mained faithful  to  the  reformed  faith  and,  with  her 
brother  Jean  de  Parthenay,  was  massacred  on  the 
fatal  night  of  St.  Bartholomew.  The  Vicomte 
d'Aubeterre  the  brother  of  Madame  de  Soubise,  had 
been  perfidiously  invited  to  Paris  from  Geneva, 
whither  he  had  fled  as  a  Protestant ;  and  being 
obliged  by  the  laws  of  the  Republic  to  live  by  some 
trade,  he  had  chosen  that  of  a  button-maker. 

A   young  Italian  lady   of  the  Court,   Francesca 


CALVIN  AND  HIS  VISIT  TO  FEERARA  103 

Burcyronia,  and  two  German  students  at  the  Univer- 
sity, Johann,  and  Kilian  Sinapius  who  was  tutor  to 
Renee's  children,  were  also  amongst  the  earnest 
disciples  of  Calvin.  The  elder  brother,  Johann, 
became  a  distinguished  physician,  and  when  in  1543, 
he  married  Francesca  Bucyronia,  he  and  his  wife 
wrote  to  their  spiritual  guide,  with  whom  Johann 
had  kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  since  that 
meeting  at  Ferrara  : 

**  We  beseech  you  in  the  name  of  that  friendship 
of  which  you  gave  us  so  many  proofs  during  your 
stay  at  this  Court,  to  continue  us  the  benefit  of  your 
counsels.  Teach  us,  m  the  midst  of  the  dangers 
which  surround  us,  how  to  conduct  ourselves  as 
beseems  a  Christian  man  and  wife,  how  to  live  in 
hoUness  before  God,  and  render  to  Him  the  honour 
due  to  His  name." 

This  Johann  Sinapius  was  in  after  years  a  friend 
and  correspondent  of  Olympia  Morata,  the  daughter 
of  Professor  Fulvio  Peregrino  Morato,  whose  story 
will  be  told  later  ;  she  was  only  a  child  of  ten  when 
Calvin  came  to  Ferrara.  This  visit  of  his,  although 
so  brief,  seems  to  have  had  great  value  and  import- 
ance, for  it  gave  him  a  vivid  insight  into  the  perils 
of  Eenee's  position,  and  the  difficulties  she  would 
have  to  face  in  the  future.  We  see  this  very  plainly 
in  the  long  and  earnest  letters  which  Calvin  constantly 
wrote  to  the  Duchess,  seeking  by  every  means  in  his 
power  to  strengthen  her  faith,  and  give  her  courage 
to  face  the  sacrifices  which  an  open  confession  would 
involve.^    Under  his  influence,  we  shall  see  that  in 

^  Lettres  de  Calvin,  recueillies  par  Jean  Bonnet.     Paris,  1854, 


104  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

1540  slie  refused  to  make  her  confession    or  hear 
mass  any  longer. 

There  must  have  been  a  strong  party  in  Ferrara 
holding  reformed  views,  and  amongst  these  was  a 
youth  named  Jehannot,  who  had  fled  from  France 
when  a  companion  of  his,  who  was  not  so  fortunate, 
was  burnt  at  the  stake  for  heresy.  He  was  a  friend 
of  Clement  Marot,  and  Renee  had  obtained  for  him 
a  post  as  singer  in  the  church  choir.  On  Good 
Friday,  April  14,  unfortunately  while  Calvin  was  at 
Ferrara,  when  the  cross  was  presented  to  the  people 
for  adoration,  the  young  Jehannot  loudly  protested 
that  such  worship  was  idolatry.  A  tumult  followed, 
and  the  chorister  was  arrested  ;  under  pressure  from 
Rome,  Duke  Ercole  began  to  make  enquiries  as  to 
how  far  the  Protestant  heresy  had  spread,  and  to  his 
horror,  he  found  that  most  of  his  wife's  suite  were 
involved.  He  at  once  used  strong  measures  and 
expelled  most  of  her  fellow  countrymen,  and  amongst 
them  Calvin,  who  appears  to  have  left  Ferrara  at 
this  time,  after  a  stay  of  about  twenty-two  days.  He 
is  believed  to  have  travelled  through  Zurich  to 
Lyons,  and  to  have  even  dared  to  visit  his  old  home 
at  Noyon,  for  the  sake  of  family  affairs.  He  certainly 
reached  Paris,  and  before  the  end  of  July,  he  had 
travelled  through  Germany  to  Geneva.  Here  he 
was  persuaded  by  the  devoted  Protestant  preacher, 
Guillaume  Farel,  one  of  the  famous  Society  of  Meaux, 
to  remain  and  help  him  in  his  work  of  an  evangelist. 
Calvin  was  at  first  unwilling  to  preach  in  public,  as 
he  believed  his  mission  to  be  rather  that  of  the  scholar 
than  the  preacher.  But  it  was  thus  that  began  his 
connexion  with  Geneva,  and  we  know  with  what 
success  it  was  crowned.    With  his  later  life  we  are 


CALVIN  AND  HIS  VISIT  TO  FERRAEA  105 

not  at  present  concerned,  as  it  belongs  to  the  general 
history  of  the  Reformed  Church. 

Clement  Marot  had  been  driven  from  Ferrara  at 
the  same  time  as  his  friend  Calvin,  but  he  had  ob- 
tained permission  later  to  return  to  France,  and  there 
devoted  his  poetical  talent  to  the  translation  of  the 
Psalms  into  French  verse.  They  made  a  great 
success  and  were  sung  everywhere  to  the  most  popular 
tunes  of  the  day,  even  at  Court,  where  each  chose  a 
Psalm  according  to  his  taste.  The  King  chose : 
"  As  the  hart  panteth  after  the  waterbrooks,"  which 
he  sang  out  hunting.  Catherine  dei  Medici  sang  to  a 
doleful  tune  :  "  Lord,  I  cry  unto  Thee  ;  make  haste 
unto  me." 

"  Vers  I'Eternel  des  oppresses  le  Pdre 
Je  m'en  iray,  lui  montrant  'improp^re 
Qu'on  me  faict,  liii  ferai  ma  pridre 
A  haute  voix,  qu'il  ne  jette  en  arri^re 
Mes  piteux  oris,  car  en  lui  j'espere." 

But  however  fashionable  the  songs  of  the  ancient 
Hebrew  race  became,  such  pressure  was  brought  to 
bear  upon  Fran9ois  I,  that  he  was  persuaded  to 
prohibit  the  metrical  Psalms,  and  Marot,  finding 
that  he  was  still  looked  upon  as  a  heretic,  took  leave 
of  France  and  found  a  refuge  at  Geneva.  Here  he 
continued  his  translation  until  he  had  completed 
seventy  Psalms,  and  Calvin  was  so  delighted  with 
them  that  he  had  them  set  to  noble  music.  When 
printed  in  Protestant  books,  they  were  so  severely 
prohibited  by  the  Roman  Church,  that  to  sing  one  of 
these  spiritual  songs  was  looked  upon  as  a  declaration 
of  the  Reformed  Faith. 


CHAPTER   X 

THE   SOEROWS   OF  REN^E 

The  sorrows  of  Ren^e — Visit  of  Vittoria  Colonna  to  Ferrara — Death 
of  Isabella  d'Este — Visit  of  Paul  III — He  gives  Ren6e  a  private 
brief — Martyrdom  of  Fannio — Ren^e  imprisoned  and  persecuted 
by  Inquisitor — Her  unforeseen  release,  and  her  outward  conformity 
to  the  orthodox  ceremonies. 

After  the  expulsion  of  her  friends,  a  sad  time  followed 
for  Renee.  She  wrote  pitiful  letters  to  the  King  of 
France,  but  he  was  unable  to  help  her,  for  Duke 
Ercole  was  determined  to  remain  on  the  best  of  terms 
with  the  Pope,  and  therefore  did  his  best  to  crush 
out  reformed  opinions  from  Ferrara.  In  the  following 
year,  the  Duchess  gladly  welcomed  a  visit  from 
Vittoria  Colonna,  with  whom  she  had  so  much  in 
common  with  regard  to  her  religious  views,  and  who 
was  godmother  to  her  second  daughter  Lucrezia. 

One  reason  why  the  Marchesa  of  Pescara  was 
anxious  to  visit  Ferrara  was  that  she  might  induce 
Duke  Ercole  to  found  a  Capuchin  convent  there 
under  the  direction  of  Bernardino  Ochino.  This  was 
done  in  August  1537,  and  during  the  following  Advent 
the  eloquent  Friar  preached  in  the  Duomo.  His 
sermons  were  a  great  consolation  and  interest  to 
Renee,  and  she  saw  much  of  her  friend  Vittoria,  who 
had  come  with  six  ladies  in  her  suite,  and  took  up 
her  abode  in  the  convent  of  Santa  Caterina.  She 
wrote  to  Cardinal  Gonzaga  : 

106 


THE  SOEROWS  OF  RENEE  107 

**  It  has  pleased  God  that  I  should  find  much  quiet 
and  consolation  at  Ferrara.  Thanks  be  to  God,  the 
Duke  and  all  of  them  leave  me  the  liberty  that  I 
desire  to  attend  only  to  true  acts  of  charity,  and  not 
to  such  mixed  ones  as  are  produced  by  conversation. 
May  it  please  the  Divine  Goodness  that  all  my  time 
here  may  be  so  spent  that  none  of  it  may  be  mine, 
but  all  Christ's." 

Yet  when  occasion  offered,  the  Marchesa  enjoyed 
great  entertainments  at  Court.  Thus  we  hear  of 
her,  on  the  evening  before  her  departure,  taking  part 
in  a  festival  arranged  by  Isabella  d'Este,  who  had 
come  on  a  visit  at  her  nephew's  request.  Her  gay 
ladies  were  in  their  element  vv^ith  abundance  of 
dancing  and  music,  while  Vittoria  struck  a  more 
serious  note,  by  reciting  five  of  her  sonnets.  She 
left  in  February  1558,  for  she  w^as  so  arranging  her 
time  as  to  follow  Bernardino  Ochino  to  all  the  various 
cities  where  he  was  preaching. 

Renee's  great  interest  from  about  this  time,  was 
the  care  and  education  of  her  children.  Anna  the 
eldest,  w^ho  was  now  seven  years  old,  showed  great 
intelligence,  and  on  the  occasion  spoken  of  above,  it 
appears  that  Isabella  d'Este  was  gieatly  delighted 
with  the  "  Signora  Anna,  who  played  some  pieces  on 
the  gravicembalo  excellently.  She  also  danced  several 
dances  in  the  most  perfect  time  and  with  most  ex- 
quisite grace."  AVe  shall  hear  much  about  the 
education  of  this  little  girl,  as  the  following  year, 
1539,  the  famous  Olympia  Morata  was  invited  to  be 
her  companion  and  teacher.  A  shining  light  of  the 
Italian  Reformation,  this  young  girl  is  of  sufficient 
interest  to  need  a  special  biography  of  her  own. 


108  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Her  father,  Pelligrino  Fulvio  Morato  was  one  of 
the  learned  men  of  the  University  of  Ferrara  where 
he  was  Professor  of  Literature.  He  wrote  an  ex- 
position of  the  "  Lord's  Prayer  "  in  1526,  and  a 
"  Rimario  di  tutte  le  cadentie  di  Dante  e  Petrarca  " 
in  1528.  He  had  to  leave  the  University  in  1533, 
and  the  reason  assigned  for  this  was  that  he  had 
written  in  favour  of  the  reformed  opinions.  After 
being  an  exile  for  six  years,  he  returned  to  Ferrara 
with  his  family.  He  had  met  Celio  Secundo  Curione, 
the  ardent  Reformer,  who  at  a  later  period  found  a 
refuge  under  the  protection  of  Renee.  Another 
distinguished  man  at  her  Court  was  the  poet  Calcag- 
nini,  who  also  with  the  brothers  Johann  and  Kilian 
Sinapius,  combined  in  carrying  on  the  education  of 
her  children. 

In  April  1539,  a  second  son  was  born  to  the  Duchess  ; 
he  received  the  name  of  Luigi,  and  Paul  III  was  his 
godfather.  Isabella  d'Este  died  this  same  year  ;  she 
was  a  great  loss  to  Renee,  as  her  kindness  and  common 
sense  would  have  had  influence  over  Duke  Ercole, 
when  he  listened  to  cruel  calumnies  against  his  wife 
and  exiled  her  French  Gentleman  of  honour,  Antoine 
de  Pons,  sending  him  off  in  the  very  depth  of  winter. 
The  King  of  France  was  most  indignant  when  he 
heard  of  this,  and  he  wrote  a  very  dignified,  and  at 
the  same  time  indignant  letter  to  Duke  Ercole  : 

"  My  cousin,  I  have  heard  that  after  the  long  and 
devoted  service  of  the  Seigneur  and  Lady  de  Pons, 
to  my  dear  sister,  your  wife,  and  the  constant  and 
laborious  care  which  they  have  bestowed  upon  her 
and  me,  you  have  become  discontented  with  them 
and  for  all  reward  of  their  services  you  have  treated 


THE  SOEROWS  OF  RENEE  109 

them  very  badly.  And  as  tliey  are  personages  of 
such  high  quality  and  my  subjects  and  servitors,  for 
whom  I  have  the  highest  esteem  and  respect,  ...  I 
am  sending  to  fetch  them  and  pray  you  my  Cousin 
to  send  them  back  to  me  in  such  favour  and  honour 
as  they  went  to  you.  And  you  may  trust  the  said 
Seigneur  de  Lavau,  and  take  what  he  will  say  to 
you  as  from  myself." 

Ercole  only  cared  just  then  to  please  the  Pope, 
and  he  sent  poor  Renee  away  in  disgrace  to  the 
desolate  Castello  of  Consandola,  a  distant  spot  on 
the  borders  of  Romagna.  It  suited  him  better  to  hint 
at  a  scandal,  than  to  own  that  his  wife  had  become 
a  heretic  in  the  eyes  of  the  Roman  Church.  The 
unfortunate  lady  appears  to  have  had  a  very  dreary 
time,  away  from  her  home  and  her  children,  and  it 
was  not  until  she  was  needed  at  the  Court  of  Ferrara 
to  receive  a  visit  of  reconciliation  from  Pope  Paul  III, 
that  the  Duchess  was  allowed  to  take  her  proper 
position  again. 

The  Pope  had  a  magnificent  reception  and  his 
progress  through  the  streets  of  Ferrara  was  like  a 
triumphal  procession ;  he  was  accompanied  by 
eighteen  Cardinals  and  forty  Bishops,  was  borne 
under  a  gorgeous  canopy,  and  received  the  keys  of 
the  city  on  a  golden  salver.  There  was  a  pontifical 
mass  in  the  Cathedral,  and  he  presented  the  Duke 
with  the  Golden  Rose.  Although  Paul  III  only 
remained  two  days,  he  had  time  to  see  a  magnificent 
tournament,  and  to  be  entertained  with  a  comedy  of 
Terence,  the  "  Adelphi,"  acted  by  the  children  of 
Renee,  on  whose  education  she  had  spent  so  much 
care.    Anna  took  the  part  of  the  lover,  Alfonso  was 


no  ITALIAN  EEFORMATION 

the  hero,  Lucrezia,  aged  eight,  recited  the  prologue, 
Leonora,  the  next  sister,  was  an  "  ingenue,"  and 
the  four-year-old  Luigi  appeared  as  a  slave.  They 
were  all  beautiful  children,  and  inherited  the  charm 
of  the  Este  family. 

The  Pope  was  most  gracious  to  the  Duchess,  and 
hoping  that  her  persecution  was  now  at  an  end,  she 
obtained  from  him  a  Brief,  signed  July  5,  1543,  by 
which  she  was  to  be  exempted  from  every  jurisdiction 
but  that  of  the  Holy  Office  at  Rome  ;  which  in  those 
early  days  of  its  creation,  she  looked  upon  as  a 
tribunal  of  abstract  justice.  But  the  troubles  of 
Renee  were  only  just  begiiming,  and  perhaps  there 
is  no  more  pathetic  story  than  that  of  this  royal  lady, 
an  exile  from  her  distant  home,  surrounded  by  spies 
and  enemies,  of  whom  not  the  least  cruel  was  her 
husband  a  bigoted  Roman  Catholic,  whose  unceasing 
persecution  of  her  friends  and  her  Faith,  made  her 
life  one  long  torture. 

Yet  the  Duchess  still  had  the  courage  to  make 
Ferrara  a  refuge  for  Reformers  like  Ochino,  Peter 
Martyr,  the  poet  Marcantonio  Flaminio,  Celio  Secundo 
Curione  and  others.  She  also  showed  herself  a  de- 
voted friend  to  the  learned  professor  Francesco  Porto, 
a  native  of  Crete  who  succeeded  Kilian  Sinapius  at 
the  University ;  and  also  to  Antonio  Bruce  ioli,  the 
Florentine,  who  translated  and  printed  the  Bible, 
and  strongly  advocated  that  all  should  be  free  to 
read  it.  Renee  employed  him  to  teach  Greek  to  her 
daughters,  and  he  was  the  first  person  attacked  by 
the  Jesuits  sent  to  Ferrara  to  suppress  the  Lutheran 
heresy,  and  especially  to  bring  their  full  power  to 
bear  upon  the  Duchess.  When  we  consider  her 
isolated  and  helpless  condition  after  the  death  of 


THE  SORROWS  OF  RENEE  111 

rran9ois  I,  in  1547,  her  gallant  and  spirited  defence 
of  her  friends  appears  truly  heroic.  Although  she 
was  herself  m  imminent  danger,  she  writes  the  most 
touching  and  urgent  letters  to  Duke  Ercole,  imploring 
him  to  spare  and  save  them. 

"...  I  would  very  humbly  pray  you  to  set  free  the 
prisoners  you  have  given  over  to  the  inquisitors  of 
St.  Dominic  ...  for  they  are  not  guilty.  I  pray  and 
entreat  you  to  grant  this  request.  .  .  . 

"  Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  wife, 

"  Renee  of  France." 

It  is  thus  she  writes  in  the  earlier  days,  when  the 
Inquisition  had  not  gone  beyond  imprisonment  and 
torture,  but  worse  was  to  come.  Meantime  she  had 
domestic  troubles  ;  her  eldest  daughter  Anna  being 
married,  without  consulting  the  mother's  wishes,  to 
Fran9ois  Lorraine,  Due  d'Aumale,  in  September 
1548.  This  was  through  the  influence  of  the  new 
French  King,  her  nephew  Henri  J.I,  who  never  showed 
any  sympathy  or  affection  for  liis  aunt  Renee  ;  and 
who  arranged  this  marriage  as  a  matter  of  policy. 
Aumale  was  the  head  of  the  Popish  party,  and  the 
chief  enemy  of  the  reformed  opinions  in  France. 
Anna  herself  had  of  course  no  choice  in  the  matter ; 
she  was  always  a  warm  advocate  on  the  side  of  mercy 
for  those  in  peril  on  account  of  their  religion,  and 
kept  up  her  friendship  with  Olympia  Morata,  although 
she  outwardly  conformed  to  her  husband's  creed. 

The  death  of  the  Pope,  Paul  III,  in  November  1549, 
was  a  distinct  misfortune  for  Renee,  as  he  was  not 
only  personally  friendly  to  her,  but  he  was  a  man  of 
amiable  disposition  and  always  on  the  side  of  gentle- 


112  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

ness  in  dealing  with  heretics.  During  his  time  no 
one  was  put  to  death  in  Italy  for  religion,  but  now 
began  the  real  terrors  of  the  Inquisition. 

At  this  time  a  certain  Fannio,  of  Faenza,  was  in 
prison  at  Ferrara  for  his  religious  opinions.  x4.s  he 
is  believed  to  have  been  one  of  the  first  Protestant 
martyrs  in  Italy,  some  account  of  him  will  be  interest- 
ing. In  his  native  city  he  had  early  adopted  the 
reformed  opinions,  through  reading  the  Bible  ;  but 
at  Ferrara  he  was  taken  before  the  Jesuit  Inquisitor, 
Girolamo  Papino,  and  threatened  with  death  unless  he 
returned  to  the  Roman  faith.  During  his  time  in 
prison,  his  wife  and  family  made  such  lamentable 
appeals  to  him,  that  in  a  moment  of  weakness,  he 
recanted,  and  was  set  free.  But  so  bitterly  did  he 
repent  of  having  denied  the  truth,  that  in  order  to 
make  amends,  he  went  about  openly  preaching  in 
every  city,  the  most  advanced  Protestant  doctrines, 
with  the  result  that  he  was  arrested  at  Bagnacavallo, 
taken  to  Ferrara  and  there  condemned  to  death  as  a 
relapsed  heretic.  He  was  kept  in  prison  for  eighteen 
months  and  was  often  tortured,  but  he  remained 
constant  through  all  his  suffering  and  made  many 
converts  in  the  prison  itself. 

When  Paul  III  died  in  November  1549,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Julius  III,  a  Brief  was  sent  from  Rome 
the  next  year,  commanding  the  immediate  execution 
of  Fannio.  The  utmost  efforts  were  made  to  save 
him.  Renee  hurried  at  once  to  Ferrara  from  her 
country  palace,  and  wrote  a  letter  of  most  passionate 
earnestness  to  the  Duke,  imploring  him  to  save  the 
condemned  man. 

"...  It  will  be  a  scandal  and  a  shame  in  all  your 


^ 


^■a/'i> 


^.a/ny  ^^-oyiyi^  n-'- 


THE  SORROWS  OF  RENEE  113 

country,  to  your  subjects  and  your  servants,  if  God 
does  not  put  it  in  your  heart  to  prevent  this,  as  I 
pray  that  He  may.  ...  I  cannot  lament  any  more  as 
I  have  poured  out  all  my  lamentations  .  .  .  and  I 
myself  would  suffer  rather  than  this  poor  father, 
snatched  from  his  little  children  and  their  mother.  .  .  . 
I  implore  you,  Monsieur,  to  have  pity  and  rescue  him 
from  those  cruel  hands,  if  I  can  obtain  favour  from 
you,  and  most  humbly  do  I  recommend  myself  to 
you,  reminding  you  of  the  charity  which  you  owe  to 
the  unfortunate  .  .  .  and  to  your  subjects.'' 

But  all  her  prayers  and  entreaties  were  in  vain, 
and  on  August  22,  1550,  Fannio  endured  martrydom 
with  the  most  splendid  hope  and  courage.  He  was 
first  strangled  and  then  burnt,  while  his  ashes  were 
cast  into  the  river  Po.  Within  nine  months  another 
judicial  murder  took  place  of  a  priest  named  Giorgio 
Siculo,  who  was  hung  at  night  without  trial,  for  his 
opinions  described  as  '*  Lutheran  Heresy." 

Now  began  a  terrible  time  of  unrelenting  persecu- 
tion for  the  unfortunate  Duchess.  It  was  known 
that  she  had  kept  up  a  correspondence  with  Calvin, 
that  her  palace  had  been  a  refuge  for  persecuted 
Reformers,  and  that  she  was  still  on  the  most  intimate 
terms  with  Olympia  Morata,  her  daughters'  governess, 
who  had  made  no  secret  of  her  Protestant  opinions 
and  had  recently  married  a  young  German  physician 
of  the  same  views.  They  were  now  safely  at  Augsburg. 
But  Renee's  worst  ofience  was  that  she  had  refused 
to  receive  the  Jesuit  priest  sent  by  Ignatius  Loyola 
to  be  her  confessor.  The  sad  story  is  best  told  by 
the  letter  of  Duke  Ercole,  when  he  consults  with  the 
young  bigot  Henri  II,  as  to  the  most  effectual  means 
8 


114  ITALIAN  PvEFORMATION 

of  breaking  down  the  brave  spirit  of  bis  wife,  Henri's 
aunt.  The  long  letter  is  dated  March  27,  1554.  The 
following  are  merely  brief  quotations : 

*'  To  the  Sacred  and  Most  Christian  Majesty. 

"  Sire,  I  kiss  the  hands  of  Your  Majesty.  .  .  . 
Madama  the  Duchess,  ray  wife,  came  with  me  to 
Italy  twenty  years  ago  .  .  .  born  of  the  blood  royal, 
and  educated  in  the  Most  Christian  Court  and  com- 
pany. .  .  .  She  had  not  been  here  very  long  before  she 
suffered  herself  to  be  persuaded  and  converted  by 
certain  ribald  Lutherans,  of  whom  as  Your  Majesty 
knows  better  than  I  do,  that  the  world  is  seen  to  be 
full  of  them  at  the  present  day  .  .  .  she  began  to 
change  her  opinions  and  little  by  little  she  joined  this 
new  and  perverse  religion,  which  does  not  believe  in 
the  sacrament  of  mass,  in  confession  or  communion 
.  .  .  which  Holy  Church  holds  to  be  so  necessary  for 
the  Christian  life.  In  testimony  of  this,  it  happened 
of  late  that  when  one  of  her  attendants,  HippoHto 
de'Putti,  was  ill  and  likely  to  die,  I  told  Madama  three 
or  four  times  that  he  must  confess  and  receive  the 
rites  of  the  Church  or  there  would  be  a  scandal  .  .  . 
but  she  replied  that  the  aforesaid  Hippolito  stood 
well  with  God  and  had  no  need  of  any  other  con- 
fessor. .  .  .  When  I  desired  her  to  make  her  confession 
and  to  attend  mass,  she  refused  my  good  and  holy 
wish,  and  actually  replied  that  the  mass  was  idolatry. 
.  .  .  When  I  sent  my  chaplain  to  insist  that  she  and 
my  daughters  should  hear  the  mass,  she  declined  to 
obey  my  commands  and  sent  away  the  priest  without 
permitting  him  to  celebrate  the  said  mass.  .  .  .  For 
this  persistence  in  evil-doing,  I  am  compelled  to  find 
some  strong  remedy.  .  .  ." 


THE  SOEROWS  OF  RENEE  115 

The  Duke  then  continues  to  explain  his  plan  in 
many  pages.  He  asserts  that,  as  they  have  already 
agreed,  force  must  be  used,  and  he  asks  the  King  to 
send  a  very  strong  Confessor,  who  if  he  cannot 
persuade  the  Duchess,  can  frighten  her  and  com.pel 
her  to  recant ;  having  complete  power  to  use  any 
means  needful  to  exorcise  the  devil  which  has  taken 
possession  of  her ;  but  all  is  to  be  managed  without 
open  scandal. 

King  Henri,  the  nephew,  was  quite  of  the  same 
opinion  as  the  husband,  with  the  result  that  a  suitable 
"  confessor  "  was  found  in  the  Inquisitor  Mathieu  Ory, 
who  arrived  at  Ferrara  with  the  sternest  determina- 
tion to  succeed  in  his  mission,  "  so  good,  so  holy  and 
so  salutary,''  as  it  was  described.  We  may  imagine 
the  tender  mercy  which  the  helpless  lady  was  likely 
to  receive.  The  King  of  France  had  sent  the  fullest 
directions.  The  Inquisitor  was  first  to  discuss  with 
the  Duchess  concerning  the  points  in  which  she  had 
strayed  from  the  Church.  Then  he  was  to  give  her 
a  letter,  written  by  the  King's  own  hand,  in  which 
he  laments  her  apostasy  "  by  which  she  has  incurred 
the  loss  of  both  body  and  soul,  .  .  .  when  he  sees  her 
cleansed  and  purified  from  those  '  damnees  '  dogmas, 
...  his  relief  will  be  as  great  as  if  he  saw  her  raised 
from  the  dead."  He  adds  that  "  the  pure  blood  of 
the  Most  Christian  house  of  France  has  never  been 
sullied  by  any  monstrous  birth."  (This  remark 
from  the  son  of  Frangois  I.)  Then  in  an  ominous 
threatening  note,  he  adds :  "  and  if  she  remains 
obstinate  ...  he  will  then  consult  with  her  husband 
what  means  of  extreme  severity  may  be  needful  to 
bring  her  to  reason.  ..." 

In  a  letter  to  the  Duke,  it  is  suggested  that  Renee 


116  ITALIAN  KEFORMATION 

is  to  be  shut  up  in  solitary  confinement,  her  children 
are  to  be  taken  from  her,  and  all  her  attendants  and 
friends  who  show  any  leaning  towards  the  reformed 
doctrines,  are  to  be  tried  by  the  Inquisition  and  suffer 
the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law.  Hitherto  Renee 
had  been  discreet  in  avoiding  any  open  declaration  of 
her  opinions,  but  during  this  summer  of  1554,  she 
appears  to  have  behaved  with  more  courage,  and  to 
have  definitely  refused  to  make  any  concessions. 
At  last  came  the  terrible  moment  when  all  those 
dark  mysterious  threats  were  to  be  carried  out.  On 
September  7,  the  Duchess  was  removed  by  night 
from  her  house  near  San  Francesco,  by  the  Bishop  of 
Rosetti  and  the  Cavalieri  Ruggieri,  to  a  kind  of  state 
prison  in  an  old  palace  of  the  Este  family,  and  here 
shut  up  in  the  "  Stanze  del  Cavallo,"  in  absolute 
seclusion. 

On  the  subject  of  this  imprisonment,  many  legends 
have  arisen,  but  the  truth  is  now  known  from  the 
secret  papers  of  the  Vatican.  We  are  not  told  what 
form  of  "  persuasion  "  was  used  by  the  grim  In- 
quisitor Ory,  so  cunning  a  tempter  and  so  infinitely 
learned  in  his  cruel  part,  but  Renee  would  certainly 
be  spared  no  deadly  threats  of  present  bodily 
torture  and  future  hell-fire,  to  herself  and  her 
friends.  But  at  the  dramatic  moment,  the  victim 
turned  against  the  oppressor.  We  cannot  attempt  to 
describe  the  scene,  when  the  priest  pronounced  his 
terrible  final  sentence  and  the  words  died  on  his  lips, 
as  the  Duchess  presented  to  him  the  Papal  Brief 
signed  by  Paul  III  at  Bologna  in  April  1543.  By  this 
document,  as  we  have  seen,  Renee  was  invulnerable, 
for  she  was  declared  to  be  "  under  the  protection  of 
the  Pope  and  the  Holy  Office  at  Rome,  and  absolutely 


THE  SORROWS  OF  RENEE  117 

free  from  the  jurisdiction  of  all  others,  who,  if  they 
should  accuse  her  of  heresy,  were  liable  to  excom- 
munication and  could  be  handed  over  to  the  secular 
arm/' 

Here  was  a  bolt  from  the  blue,  and  the  Inquisitor 
saw  at  once  that  all  was  over,  and  there  was  nothing 
for  him  but  a  hasty  flight.  In  order  to  save  ap- 
pearances, it  was  publicly  announced  in  Ferrara,  that 
the  Duchess  had  yielded  to  the  convincing  arguments 
of  Ory,  who  had  therefore  departed,  as  his  work  was 
done.  Meantime,  the  Jesuit  Pelletario  visited  the 
Duchess,  who  was  also  engaged  in  long  conversations 
with  the  Duke,  and  before  she  returned  home  on 
July  23,  she  appears  to  have  conformed  outwardly,  by 
making  her  confession  to  the  Jesuit,  and  being  present 
at  the  celebration  of  mass  in  the  Romish  fashion. 
There  is  here  a  mystery  which  has  never  been  cleared 
up. 

At  the  very  moment  of  her  triumph,  when  she 
appeared  to  have  thoroughly  discomfited  her  foes, 
she  gives  up  the  fruits  of  victory,  and  consents  **  to 
bow  down  in  the  house  of  Rimmon,''  which  she  had 
bravely  and  steadily  refused  to  do,  for  so  many  years. 
We  can  only  suppose  that  her  nerve  had  utterly 
broken  down  before  the  ghastly  threats  and  terrible 
denunciation  of  Ory,  and  she  knew  too  well  that,  if 
she  had  escaped  this  time,  she  was  standing  on  the 
edge  of  a  precipice.  One  word  from  the  present  Pope 
— who  was  under  the  influence  of  the  great  Inquisitor 
of  Rome,  the  fierce  Caraiia — and  at  any  moment  she 
might  be  sentenced  to  the  flames.  The  martyr 
spirit,  which  can  defy  torture  and  death  with  un- 
shaken courage,  is  not  given  to  all  of  us  ;  and  besides, 
we  cannot  tell  how  much  the  tender  spirit  of  the 


118  ITALIAIT  REFORMATION 

Duchess  may  have  been  influenced  by  the  fear  of 
bringing  imprisonment  or  death  upon  certain  members 
of  her  household. 

The  news  of  her  apostasy  brought  great  sadness 
to  all  the  Reformers  in  Italy  and  those  who  were  exiles 
for  their  Faith,  Calvin  wrote :  "  There  is  sad  in- 
telligence about  the  Duchess  of  Ferrara  .  .  .  overcome 
by  menace  and  reproach,  she  has  fallen.  What  can 
I  say,  but  that  examples  of  fortitude  are  rare  amongst 
princes.''  He  had  written  a  letter  of  counsel  and 
encouragement  to  her  before  her  imprisonment ; 
also  telling  her  that,  as  she  desired,  he  was  sending 
her  an  excellent  and  pious  lady,  to  help  her  in  the 
ruling  of  her  household.  Calvin  wrote  another  long 
letter  in  the  following  February,  full  of  hope  and 
encouragement,  although  tempered  with  gentle  re- 
proach. He  remarks  :  "  It  is  a  bad  sign  when  those 
who  warred  so  fiercely  against  you  to  turn  you  from 
the  service  of  God,  now  leave  you  in  peace." 

This  was  only  partly  true,  for  Renee  had  many 
troubles,  and  hers  was  a  sad  and  anxious  life,  during 
the  remaining  years  of  her  time  at  Ferrara.  All  her 
property,  her  jewels  and  her  money  from  every 
source  had  been  taken  from  her,  and  were  never 
returned  ;  so  that  she  was  no  longer  able  to  help  her 
friends  at  Ferrara,  or  those  in  exile  who  needed  it 
still  more.  This  was  a  great  trial  to  her  generous 
spirit,  and  the  more  so  that  she  lived  in  an  atmosphere 
of  suspicion  and  distrust,  in  the  midst  of  spies,  some 
of  whom  were  sent  from  France  by  her  nephew,  to 
the  great  annoyance  of  the  Duke,  who  himself  was 
always  on  guard,  and  read  all  her  letters  and  private 
papers.  Another  source  of  domestic  trouble  was  the 
absence  of  the  young  Prince  Alfonso,  the  eldest  son, 


THE  SOREOWS  OF  RENEE  119 

at  the  Court  of  France,  whitlier  he  had  made  his 
escape  in  May  1552,  without  the  permission  of  his 
father.  He  took  only  a  few  servants  and  he  was 
far  on  his  way  to  Paris  before  the  Duke  heard  of  his 
departure,  and  discovered  that  he  had  secretly 
borrowed  nine  thousand  crowns  for  his  journey. 

The  young  Alfonso  was  well  received  at  the  French 
Court,  decorated  with  the  Order  of  St.  Michael,  and 
entrusted  with  the  command  of  one  hundred  soldiers 
with  a  liberal  salary.  Ercole  was  furious  at  his  son's 
flight,  and  hung  in  effigy  a  statesman  who  was 
supposed  to  have  assisted  him  in  it.  His  policy  in 
Italy  was  hampered  by  the  fact  of  Alfonso  being  a 
kind  of  hostage  with  the  King  of  France,  and  the 
Duke  found  himself  drawn  into  a  League  with  the 
Pope,  which  proved  so  costly  that  he  had  to  impose 
cruel  taxation  upon  his  people;  and  he  even  closed 
the  famous  University  of  Ferrara,  and  applied  the 
salaries  of  the  professors  to  the  expense  of  the  war. 


CHAPTER   XI 

REN^E   IN   FRANCE 

Election  of  Paul  IV — Renewed  persecution  at  Ferrara — Death  of 
Duke  Ercole — His  son  Alfonso  succeeds — Persecution  of  Renee 
— She  gives  up  her  home  and  family — Returns  to  France — ■• 
Letters  of  Calvin  to  her — Her  life  at  Montargis — Terrible  Wars  of 
Rehgion  in  France — Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew — Renee  receives 
the  Huguenot  refugees — Her  splendid  courage — Death  in  1575. 

Early  in  1555,  Giovanni  Pietro  Caraffa,  the  fierce 
leader  of  the  Inquisition,  was  elected  Pope  as  Paul  IV, 
and  in  the  reign  of  terror  which  followed,  the  Duchess 
of  Ferrara  appears  to  have  remained  in  outward 
conformity  with  the  State  religion.  She  had  made 
peace  with  her  husband  when  he  went  to  Rome  to 
pay  his  respects  to  the  Pope,  and  he  restored  to  her 
the  greater  portion  of  her  jewels,  but  still  kept  her 
very  short  of  money  for  the  most  needful  expenses. 
In  this  year  Renee  received  a  visit  from  a  most 
resolute  and  devoted  Reformer,  Galeazzo  Caraccioli, 
Marchese  of  Vico,  who  had  given  up  all  his  worldly 
possessions,  his  home  and  his  family  for  the  sake  of 
his  belief.  His  friends  had  never  given  up  the 
hope  of  winning  him  back,  and  had  obtained  a  safe- 
conduct  from  Paul  III,  who  was  a  near  relation  of 
his,  for  Galeazzo  to  come  from  Geneva  to  meet  his 
father,  in  the  hope  of  persuading  his  wife  and  children 
to  join  him.  But  the  young  Reformer  would  yield 
to  no  compromise,  and  after  taking  leave  of  his 
father,  he  paid  a   visit  to  Ferrara,  where  he  was 

120 


RENEE   IN   FRANCE  121 

introduced  to  the  Duchess  by  Francesco  Porto,  the 
Greek  professor. 

She  was  greatly  interested  in  hearing  the  latest 
news  of  Calvin  and  the  Italian  Church  at  Geneva  ; 
and  showed  deep  sympathy  for  the  troubles  which 
Galeazzo  himself  had  endured.  Renee  was  already 
acquainted  with  the  works  of  Valdes,  whose  earnest 
disciple  this  young  noble  had  proved  himself.  When 
he  took  his  leave,  she  sent  him  in  her  own  carriage  as 
far  as  Francolini  on  the  Po,  where  he  was  able  to 
take  boat  for  Venice  and  return  to  Geneva  by  the 
route  over  the  Grisons.  Of  course  news  of  this  visit 
reached  Rome,  and  brought  fresh  humihation  upon 
the  Duchess. 

It  was  at  the  end  of  this  year,  1555,  that  Renee 
had  the  grief  of  losing  her  friend  Olympia  Morata, 
who  had  left  Ferrara  some  years  before,  on  her 
marriage,  and  had  passed  away  in  far-off  Heidelberg. 
Her  most  interesting  story  will  be  fully  told  in  a 
later  chapter. 

We  have  no  space  to  enter  into  the  general  history 
of  this  eventful  period,  but  we  cannot  omit  to  mention 
that  the  end  of  this  year  saw  the  abdication  of 
Charles  V,  the  succession  of  his  son  PhiHp  II  in  Spain 
and  the  Netherlands,  and  of  his  brother  Ferdinand 
to  the  Empire.  Ercole  had  meantime  patched  up  a 
peace  with  his  son  Alfonso,  whom  he  now  allowed  to 
go  to  France,  while  he  imprisoned  his  brother  Luigi, 
who  wished  to  join  Philip  II  in  Spain.  As  we  have 
seen,  he  joined  the  League,  but  many  troubles  and 
misfortunes  followed,  until  the  defeat  of  France  at 
the  Battle  of  St.  Quentin,  1557,  and  the  recall  of  the 
Due  de  Guise  from  Italy,  left  the  Pope  without 
defence. 


122  ITALIAN  EEFORMATION 

Circumstances  had  now  changed,  and  we  find 
Ercole  anxious  to  propitiate  Philip  II,  making  a 
marriage  alliance  for  his  son  with  Lucrezia,  the  third 
daughter  of  Cosimo,  Duke  of  Florence.  This  was 
much  against  his  will,  and  his  son  Alfonso  was  still 
more  opposed  to  it,  for  the  proposed  bride  was  a  most 
unattractive  girl  of  thirteen.  But  as  a  matter  of 
policy,  it  had  to  be  carried  out,  and  we  are  told  that 
young  prince  "  married  in  haste  and  fury,"  and  left 
Florence  immediately  after  the  ceremony  to  hurry 
back  to  Paris,  apparently  giving  as  a  reason,  his 
bride's  immature  age.  It  is  strange  that  his  mother, 
the  Duchess,  does  not  appear  to  have  disapproved  a 
marriage  which  was  so  much  against  the  French 
interests ;  we  learn  this  from  three  of  her  letters  of 
the  time. 

In  the  month  of  September  of  the  following  year, 
1559,  Duke  Ercole  d'Este  was  taken  suddenly  ill 
and  after  eight  days  in  which  the  "  most  experienced 
doctors  did  their  utmost,  he  passed  away  on  the 
3rd  of  October,  to  the  great  grief  of  his  Court  and 
the  city  of  Ferrara,  and  above  all  to  Madama  Renee 
his  wife,  our  Duchess,  and  his  illustrious  daughters, 
Madama  Lucrezia  and  Madama  Leonora  .  .  . 
at  which  the  Lord  Alfonso  d'Este  his  eldest  son, 
and  the  Lord  Luigi,  his  younger  son.  Bishop-elect 
of  Ferrara,  were  away  at  the  Court  of  France.  ..." 
The  two  brothers  of  Ercole  were  also  at  a  distance, 
but  the  Duchess  at  once  bravely  took  up  the  reins  of 
government,  and  sent  a  fleet  messenger  to  her  son 
Alfonso.  She  also  caused  the  Castello  and  the  gates 
of  the  city  to  be  well  guarded,  and  took  every  pre- 
caution that  all  might  go  well  with  the  succession, 
Alfonso  immediately  set  forth  in  haste,  and  King 


RENEE  IN  FRANCE  123 

Henri  accompanied  him  some  way,  settling  upon 
him  a  pension  of  20,000  golden  crowns  to  make  sure 
of  his  alliance. 

The  young  Prince  travelled  from  Marseilles  to 
Leghorn  and  from  thence  to  Florence  to  visit  his 
bride  Lucrezia,  the  daughter  of  Cosimo.  He  reached 
Ferrara  on  November  20  ;  the  solemn  funeral  rites 
were  performed  with  great  state  on  the  27th,  and 
the  new  Duke  made  his  public  entry  with  great 
magnificence  on  January  19,  1560. 

It  was  not  until  about  a  month  later  that  his 
young  bride  Lucrezia  was  received  in  the  palace  of 
the  Belvidere  by  her  sister-in-law  Lucrezia  d'Este, 
and  three  days  later  made  her  public  entry  into  the 
city  and  there  did  obeisance  to  the  "  old  Duchess," 
her  mother-in-law. 

The  late  Duke  in  his  Will,  had  left  to  his  wife  the 
palace  of  the  Belvidere,  with  all  its  gardens  and 
buildings  ;  also  the  half  of  the  rental  of  the  estates 
belonging  to  it,  "  so  long  as  she  continued  to  live 
there  as  a  good  Catholic,''  but  if  she  should  return  to 
France,  she  would  forfeit  everything.  To  his  two 
unmarried  daughters  he  left  large  sums  for  their 
dowry,  and  to  his  younger  son,  Luigi,  afterwards 
Cardinal,  he  bequeathed  the  "  Palazzo  de'  Diamante," 
with  a  sum  of  money  to  complete  the  building  of  it, 

Duke  Alfonso  went  to  Rome  to  pay  homage  to  the 
Pope,  Pius  IV.  who  had  succeeded  the  year  before 
to  Paul  IV,  on  whose  death  there  had  been  a  great 
reaction  in  Rome  against  the  Inquisition ;  the 
buildings  of  the  Holy  Ofhce  had  been  burnt  by  the 
mob,  and  all  the  prisoners  set  free.  However,  Pius  IV, 
comparatively  tolerant  as  he  was,  had  talked  to 
Alfonso   about   his   mother's   religious   errors,    and 


124  ITALIAN  KEFORMATION 

deeply  regretted  the  obstinacy  slie  had  shown. 
Renee  had  a  very  full  account  of  this,  on  her  son's 
return  in  June,  and  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  tell 
her  that,  *'  although  he  would  not  be  wanting  in 
affection  to  her,  yet  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  counsel  her, 
either  to  give  up  her  Protestant  opinions  or  to  leave 
the  country."  This  was  a  great  blow  to  Renee, 
as  she  had  hoped  to  be  much  more  free  to  confess  her 
faith  publicly,  than  she  had  been  during  her  husband's 
life.  After  much  painful  thought,  she  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  if  she  wished  to  live  openly  and 
sincerely  in  the  sight  of  God,  it  could  only  be  at  the 
price  of  a  great  sacrifice.  She  must  give  up  her  high 
position,  the  country  which  had  been  her  home  for 
more  than  thirty  years,  and  take  a  life-long  farewell 
of  her  sons,  and  her  two  daughters  still  unmarried, 
whose  future  would  depend  so  much  on  a  mother's 
influence.  She  must  give  up  her  most  familiar 
delight  in  the  beautiful  palace  of  the  Belvidere  ;  with 
its  lovely  gardens  gay  with  rare  flowers  ;  the  terraces 
and  shady  walks,  the  fountains,  and  the  aviaries 
where  she  had  a  choice  collection  of  birds  of  every  hue 
and  plumage. 

In  short,  she  would  be  leaving  her  beautiful  home 
in  sunny  Italy  and  all  her  accustomed  surroundings 
for  a  new  and  strange  world — her  native  land,  it  is 
true — but  where  she  was  little  more  than  a  memory. 
She  had  evidently  asked  the  advice  of  Calvin,  on  the 
death  of  her  husband,  but  his  long  letter  is  very 
guarded,  and  he  warns  her  that  "  although  the 
captivity  in  which  she  has  lived  may  be  hard,  yet  it 
is  possible  she  may  be  only  changing  one  abyss  for 
another."  He  points  out  the  disturbed  state  of 
France  with  its  wars  of  religion,  and  he  fears  that 


RENEE  IN  FRANCE  125 

she  will  find  it  as  difficult  to  serve  God  in  simplicity 
and  truth,  in  France  as  in  Ferrara.  He  prays  that 
she  may  have  courage  openly  to  show  forth  her  faith, 
and  to  remember  that  her  inheritance  and  her  eternal 
rest  are  not  to  be  looked  for  here  below,  but  in  Heaven 
above. 

But  Calvin,  at  a  distance,  could  not  fully  appreciate 
the  youthful  intolerance  of  the  new  Duke  Alfonso, 
who  was  quite  determined  that  his  mother  should 
not  be  a  stumbling  block  in  the  way  of  his  ambition. 
Renee  herself  knew  better,  and  she  seems  to  have  had 
a  passionate  desire  for  freedom  from  the  chains  which 
had  bound  her  so  long. 

Her  departure  was  a  terrible  loss  to  the  poor  and 
oppressed  in  Ferrara,  for  in  studying  the  documents 
of  the  Inquisition,  we  are  quite  amazed  at  the  amount 
of  her  charities,  and  the  immense  number  of  people 
accused  of  heresy,  whom  she  supported  and  protected. 
No  one  ever  appealed  to  her  in  vain.  In  a  list  of 
more  than  150  names  and  particulars,  we  find  many 
letters  from  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men  and 
women,  praying  for  her  help  ;  from  the  galleys  of 
Venice,  the  prisons  of  Florence  and  other  cities,  not 
to  mention  the  large  number  of  suspected  "  heretics  " 
in  Ferrara  who  depended  solely  on  her  bounty.  It 
is  interesting  to  notice  how  many  of  the  applicants 
had  been  priests  or  monks,  and  there  is  even  a  hermit. 
In  one  letter,  Madama  hopes  that  "  in  time  these 
good  Christians  will  no  longer  be  persecuted  for  their 
belief,  as  they  have  been.  ..." 

Even  on  her  journey  into  exile,  the  devoted  lady 
writes  to  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  imploring  pardon  for 
a  prisoner  accused  of  Lutheran  doctrines. 

It  was  in  September  1560,  that  the  Duchess   of 


126  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Ferrara  set  forth  on  her  journey,  with  a  retinue  of 
about  three  hundred  people,  including  those  in  charge 
of  her  baggage.  We  are  told  that  she  rode  in  a  coach 
drawn  by  four  horses,  somewhat  of  a  novelty  in  those 
days,  and  her  son  Luigi,  who  was  soon  to  become  a 
Cardinal,  rode  on  horseback  by  her  side.  It  was  a 
most  leisurely  journey,  for  she  took  about  six  weeks 
to  travel  from  Ferrara  to  Orleans.  She  had  scarcely 
reached  Modena  before  she  wrote  an  aliectionate 
letter  to  her  son  Alfonso,  and  she  sent  him  news  of 
her  progress  from  Borgo  San  Donnino,  from  Isovara, 
from  Turin,  and  from  Carmagnola,  where  she  parted 
from  her  son  Luigi.  From  thence,  she  went  on  to 
Grenoble,  to  Dijon  and  to  Orleans,  where  the  French 
Court  was  then  established.  Here  she  was  met  by 
her  daughter  Anna,  with  her  husband  Fran9ois  de 
Guise,  and  she  was  kindly  received  by  the  Queen- 
mother,  Catherine  dei  Medici. 

The  States  General  were  at  that  time  sitting  at 
Orleans,  and  Renee  was  proud  of  a  high  place  near 
the  young  King  Francois  II — until  the  Prince  of 
Conde,  who  had  recently  been  arrested  for  rebellion, 
was  brought  for  trial — and  then  the  tender-hearted 
Princess  could  no  longer  endure  to  remain,  lest  she 
should  witness  his  condemnation.  During  the  last 
two  months,  the  Court  had  been  agitated  with  news 
of  disturbances  in  the  provinces.  As  we  know, 
Conde  was  condemned  to  death  and  executed  before 
the  end  of  the  year.  The  Duchess  was  anxious  to 
hasten  her  departure,  not  only  on  this  account,  but 
because  the  Queen-mother  actually  asked  her  to 
remain  at  Court  and  take  charge  of  the  King's  sister, 
a  child  of  seven. 

Renee  appears  to  have  given  as  an  excuse  for 


RENEE  IN  FRANCE  127 

refusing,  the  necessity  that  she  should  go  on  to  her 
city  of  Montargis,  in  order  to  look  after  her  large 
estates  in  that  neighbourhood.  During  this  stay  at 
Orleans,  the  Duchess  of  Ferrara  had  received  in 
audience  amongst  other  ambassadors,  the  Englishman 
N.  Throckmorton,  from  Queen  Elizabeth  of  England. 
In  the  State  Papers,  we  have  a  most  interesting 
account  of  their  conversation,  given  in  a  letter  to 
the  Queen. 

The  Duchess  received  him  with  great  courtesy, 
and  made  him  sit  beside  her.  She  wished  to  express 
her  warm  admiration  for  so  Christian  and  virtuous  a 
Princess,  who  in  her  reign  had  established  the  true 
worship  of  God,  and  thus  promoted  the  honour  and 
glory  of  the  Most  High.  If  only  her  good  example 
and  her  constancy  might  induce  other  princes  to  do 
the  same  !  She  could  not  love  and  honour  the  Queen 
of  England  enough,  and  it  was  plain  that  the  blessing 
of  God  was  upon  her.  Renee  adds  that  she  believes 
the  Queen-mother  Catherine  is  really  anxious  to 
know  the  truth,  and  she  trusts  that  Elizabeth  will 
use  all  her  influence  to  persuade  her.  It  was  a  very 
long  and  interesting  interview,  but,  as  we  know,  had 
no  result.  In  the  first  place,  Catherine  dei  Medici 
was  only  playing  with  Reform,  on  the  chance  that 
it  might  prove  of  political  value.  She  certainly  went 
rather  far  when  she  wrote  to  Pius  IV  asking  him 
to  reform  the  Church,  and  suggesting  that  "  the 
Holy  Fath-er  should  suppress  the  use  of  images ; 
that  baptism  should  be  given  only  *  par  I'eau  et  la 
parole  ' ;  that  the  communion  should  be  given  in 
two  kinds  ;  that  the  Psalms  should  be  chanted  in  the 
vulgar  tongue  ;  and  that  the  Feast  of  St.  Sacrament 
should  be  abolished." 


128  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

The  death  of  Fran9ois  II,  at  the  end  of  the  year 
1560,  and  the  succession  of  Charles  IX,  a  boy  of  ten, 
ended  the  dominion  of  the  Guises,  and  it  was  now 
on  the  King  of  Navarre  that  the  hopes  of  the  Pro- 
testants were  centred.  He  had  married  the  spirited, 
brave-hearted  Jeanne  d'Albret,  in  1548,  the  daughter 
of  Marguerite  of  Navarre,  a  great  friend  of  the  exiled 
Duchess  of  Ferrara,  with  whom  she  had  much  in 
common. 

The  year  1562  brought  news  to  Renee  of  the  death 
of  Lucrezia,  her  daughter-in-law,  the  unloved  wife 
of  Alfonso,  who  was  as  unfortunate  as  the  rest  of  her 
family,  and  whose  untimely  end  aroused  the  usual 
suspicions  of  foul  play,  but  doubtless  unjustly. 
The  Duke's  youngest  sister,  Leonora,  had  a  serious 
accident  the  same  year,  which  caused  her  mother,  at 
a  distance,  much  anxiety.  A  sad  and  trying  time 
had  now  arrived  for  the  Duchess,  on  the  outbreak 
of  the  wars  of  religion  in  France. 

It  appears  that  the  Duke  of  Guise  was  returning 
from  an  expedition  when — on  March  1,  1562,  passing 
through  Vassy  with  his  company — he  attended  mass. 
Presently  the  voice  of  the  celebrant  was  drowned  by 
loud  singing  close  by,  which  was  found  to  come  from 
a  congregation  of  Huguenots  in  a  barn  near.  Guise 
sent  them  a  rude  message,  that  "  they  must  wait  till 
mass  was  over  and  then  they  might  sing  till  they 
burst."  The  worshippers  took  no  notice  of  this 
insulting  command,  whereupon  they  were  attacked 
by  the  Duke's  followers ;  the  Huguenots  defended 
themselves  boldly  with  stones  and  other  missiles, 
but  in  the  frenzy  of  war,  the  unarmed  multitude, 
without  regard  to  age  or  sex,  was  cruelly  massacred 
to  the  number  of  three  hundred.     Such  is  said  to 


RENEE  IN  FRANCE  129 

have  been  the  beginning  of  the  terrible  civil  war 
which  had  long  been  threatening  and  which  ravaged 
France  for  nearly  thirty  years. 

The  Huguenots  retaliated  and  there  was  more 
fighting  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Orleans,  which 
always  remained  a  strong  centre  of  reformed  doctrine. 
We  are  not  surprised  to  hear  that  a  number  of  fugi- 
tives made  their  way  to  the  protection  of  Renee, 
the  "  Mother  of  Charity"  as  they  called  her,  while 
their  enemies  accused  her  of  having  converted  the 
city  of  Montargis  into  a  hospital  (Hotel  Dieu).  When 
the  Duke  of  Guise,  her  son-in-law,  came  one  day  with 
an  armed  force,  and  threatened  to  batter  down  the 
walls  with  cannon  if  she  did  not  dismiss  the  rebels, 
she  replied  that  "  she  would  herself  mount  the 
battlements  and  see  if  he  dare  kill  a  King's  daughter." 

Her  strong  fortress  of  Montargis  had  defied  the 
attacks  of  foreign  foes  in  past  time.  It  stood  on  a 
hill  commanding  the  town,  and  was  defended  by  deep 
ditches,  strong  walls  and  battlemented  towers.  With- 
in were  three  vast  courts  which  could  lodge  a  garrison 
of  6,000  men  ;  these  surrounded  the  royal  apart- 
ments which  were  attached  to  the  keep.  Again  and 
again  was  Montargis  to  prove  a  refuge  for  the  perse- 
cuted Protestants,  and  we  see  from  Calvin's  letters 
how  warmly  he  appreciated  the  courage  and  devotion 
of  the  Duchess.  Being  only  forty  miles  from  Orleans, 
she  was  in  the  very  centre  of  the  coming  wars,  to 
her  own  constant  peril.  The  determined  siege  of 
Orleans  began  early  in  1563,  but  the  situation  was 
changed  by  the  death  of  the  Due  de  Guise  from  the 
treacherous  attack  of  a  fanatic.  By  the  temporary 
treaty  of  peace  which  followed,  Renee  was  permitted 
to   have   the   reformed   preaching   within   her   own 


130  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

castle,  and  had  more  freedom,  of  which  she  took 
advantage — so  far  as  the  plague  both  at  Montargis 
and  Paris  permitted — to  see  her  daughter  Anna  and 
to  correspond  with  her  friend  the  brave  Jeanne, 
Queen  of  Navarre,  whom  she  rarely  met  at  Court. 

In  the  letters  of  Calvin,  he  continues  to  show  his 
high  admiration  of  her  courage,  and  her  generous 
devotion  to  the  persecuted  Reformers  who  took  refuge 
at  Montargis.  On  one  occasion  he  sent  her  a  gold 
coin  which  her  father  Louis  XII  had  caused  to  be 
struck  when  at  war  with  Julius  II,  bearing  the  well- 
known  motto  :  "  Perdam  Babylonis  nomen. "  Renee 
writes  in  reply : 

"  With  regard  to  the  present  you  have  sent  me, 
it  has  given  me  great  pleasure  ;  I  praise  God  that  the 
late  King  took  this  motto.  If  God  did  not  enable 
him  to  execute  it,  perhaps  that  task  is  reserved  for 
some  descendant  of  his,  who  standing  in  his  place, 
may  be  able  to  accomplish  it." 

When  Calvin  however  openly  expresses  his  satis- 
faction at  the  death  of  the  Due  de  Guise,  the  Duchess 
bravely  defends  him  in  many  respects,  and  considers 
it  unfair  to  lay  the  whole  burden  of  persecution  on 
his  shoulders.  In  her  long  letter,  she  incidentally 
makes  charming  allusion  to  Jeanne,  Queen  of  Navarre, 
saying  that  "  as  her  mother  was  the  first  princess 
in  this  kingdom  to  uphold  the  Gospel,  I  trust  that 
her  daughter  will  succeed  in  establishing  it,  for  as 
woman  and  princess  I  admire  her  more  than  any 
I  know.  I  love  her  with  a  mother's  love,  and 
admire  and  praise  all  the  grace  that  God  has  given 
her." 


EENEE  IN  FRANCE  131 

Calvin's  last  letter  to  the  Duchess  was  written  soon 
before  his  death  on  May  27, 1564,  and  in  it  he  implores 
her  to  encourage  her  niece  the  Duchess  of  Savoy  (the 
daughter  of  Frangois  I)  openly  to  profess  her  reformed 
faith,  and  trusts  to  her  devotion  and  zeal  that  God 
may  be  honoured  and  rightly  served,  ever  more  and 
more. 

Meantime  there  were  more  changes  in  her  family. 
Her  widowed  daughter  Anna,  was  married  to  Jacques, 
Due  de  Nemours,  quite  as  fierce  an  opponent  of 
reform  as  the  Due  de  Guise  had  been.  Her  son 
Alfonso  had  married  a  second  wife,  Barbara  of 
Austria,  to  whom  he  was  much  devoted,  but  she  died 
after  seven  years  of  marriage,  leaving  no  children. 
A  few  years  later,  in  1568,  there  appears  to  have 
been  a  terrible  outburst  of  persecution  in  Ferrara, 
of  suspected  Protestants.  Great  numbers  were  sent 
to  the  prisons  of  the  Inquisition,  many  were  con- 
demned to  the  galleys  and  some  were  burnt  to  death. 
The  Duchess  wrote  imploring  letters  to  her  son  to 
use  his  authority  in  saving  certain  former  retainers 
of  hers,  especially  a  poor  saddler,  Jean  Courtault, 
recently  cast  into  prison,  and  another  was  a  cloth 
worker  who  had  been  in  her  service.  But  she  appears 
to  have  barely  saved  their  lives,  and  they  were  sent 
to  the  galleys,  after  cruel  torture. 

We  have  not  space  to  dwell  upon  the  terrible  wars 
of  religion  in  France  except  in  so  far  as  they  concern 
the  Lady  of  Montaigis.  In  1569  there  was  a  Popish 
rising  and  a  massacre  of  two  or  three  hundred  Hugue- 
nots. On  this  the  people  of  the  towns  and  villages 
of  the  plain  fled  in  crowds  to  Montargis,  as  their 
only  refuge.  The  Duchess  received  them  with  open 
generosity,  but  after  a  time  there  came  urgent  com- 


132  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

mands  from  the  Court  at  Paris,  and  a  strong  force 
of  soldiers,  wliich  compelled  her  to  suffer  the  dismissal 
of  460  persons,  more  than  two-thirds  of  whom  were 
women  and  children  in  arms.  Renee  burst  into 
tears  and  told  the  King's  envoy  that  if  she  had  his 
sword  in  her  hands,  he  would  deserve  to  die,  as  a 
messenger  of  death.  When  all  her  entreaties  failed, 
she  provided  150  big  wagons,  eight  coaches  and  a 
number  of  horses,  to  help  the  unfortunate  sufierers 
on  their  sad  and  hopeless  journey.  They  were 
attacked  and  dispersed  on  the  way,  by  their 
enemies. 

Besides  such  heart-rending  tragedies,  the  Duchess 
had  grievous  personal  troubles  with  regard  to  her 
property  in  France,  which  her  son  Alfonso  used 
every  effort  to  obtain,  while  she  vainly  endeavoured 
to  give  her  daughters  their  share.  The  poor  lady 
was  in  fact  attacked  and  robbed  on  every  side,  for 
Catherine  dei  Medici  and  the  King  were  resolved  to 
recover  possession  of  her  fiefs  for  the  French  Crown. 
A  long  and  pitiful  struggle  followed  ;  Anna  de  Ne- 
mours appears  to  have  found  some  document  of 
Louis  XII  which  again  raised  a  claim  to  Bretagne 
for  his  second  daughter,  and  the  Court,  in  some 
apprehension,  offered  a  compensation  in  money. 
This  Renee  was  compelled  to  accept,  as  she  was 
practically  helpless,  and  little  by  little,  all  her  lands 
were  being  taken  from  her.  Gisors  and  Vernon  were 
given  to  the  Due  d'Alenyon,  Caen  and  Falaise  had 
been  seized  by  Alfonso  for  debts,  Chartres  and  Mon- 
targis  were  to  belong  to  the  Duchess  of  Nemours, 
but  Renee  was  suffered  to  remain  as  a  pensioner  in 
her  own  castle.  Her  son  Alfonso  was  furious  and 
wrote  the  most  bitter  letters  to  his  mother,  whom  he 


RENEE  IN  FRANCE  133 

never  forgave,  for  yielding  any  possible  claim  to 
Bretagne. 

In  1571,  the  second  daughter  of  the  Duchess, 
Lucrezia,  at  the  age  of  thirty-five,  was  married  to 
the  heir  of  Urbino,  Francesco  Maria.  But  it  proved 
a  most  unhappy  match,  for  her  large  dowry  of 
150,000  crowns  had  been  the  chief  attraction  for  the 
young  prince,  who  was  fifteen  years  younger  than 
his  bride.  She  left  him  after  two  years  with  his  full 
consent  and  returned  to  Ferrara.  Leonora,  the 
youngest,  was  never  married,  to  her  mother's  great 
disappointment ;  she  did  not  even  take  the  usual 
alternative  of  retiring  to  a  convent,  possibly  from 
some  secret  leaning  to  the  reformed  views. 

The  Peace  of  St.  Germain  in  1570,  had  ended  the 
third  war  of  religion,  and  brought  some  relief  to 
Renee.  Despoiled  of  all  her  possessions,  it  was  a 
bitter  thought  to  her  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
"  infamous  Salic  Law,''  as  she  called  it,  she  might 
have  inherited  the  throne  of  France  and,  reigning 
like  another  EHzabeth  of  England,  have  won  her 
country  to  the  Huguenot  faith. 

But  at  least,  she  was  a  Daughter  of  France,  and 
received  full  recognition  from  the  Court,  on  great 
State  occasions,  taking  precedence  of  almost  all 
the  princesses  ;  and  she  could  not  refrain  from  going 
to  Paris  now  and  then,  to  assert  her  high  position. 
Thus  it  was  that  in  the  summer  of  1572,  she  was 
present  at  Court,  when  preparations  were  being 
made  for  the  marriage  of  Henri  of  Navarre  with 
Marguerite,  the  King's  sister.  She  rejoiced  to  meet 
Henri's  mother,  her  dear  friend  Jeanne,  but  had  the 
great  sorrow  of  losing  her,  after  a  short  and  sudden 
illness,  on  June  9,  not  without  suspicion  of  poison. 


134  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

This  was  only  the  beginning  of  tragedy,  for  after 
the  marriage  of  the  young  King  of  Navarre  had 
taken  place  on  August  18,  there  followed  that  awful 
massacre  of  the  Huguenots  on  the  Feast  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, the  darkest  stain  on  the  history  of  France. 

How  Renee  herself  escaped  we  scarcely  know,  save 
that  she  was  lodging  with  her  daughter  Anna  and 
the  ultra-Catholic  Due  de  Nemours.  When  all  was 
over,  the  Duchess  was  taken  back  to  Montargis, 
escorted  by  horsemen  of  the  Due  de  Guise.  It  was 
a  sad  homecoming,  for  all  Huguenot  services  were 
now  sternly  forbidden  by  the  King,  and  the  massacre 
of  Paris  was  repeated  in  m_any  towns  of  France, 
notably  in  Orleans,  which  was  only  forty  miles 
distant  from  Montargis. 

The  life  of  Renee  of  France  was  now  drawing  to 
a  close.  Broken  in  health  and  fortune,  but  un- 
daunted in  spirit,  she  ruled  her  great  castle  of  Mon- 
targis in  lonely  state  ;  neglected  and  forgotten  by 
her  sons  and  daughters,  on  whom  she  had  bestowed 
all  that  remained  of  her  possessions.  But  her 
charity  never  failed,  and,  to  the  end,  we  hear  of  her 
thoughtful  kindness  for  all  the  sad  and  suffering 
who  came  within  her  reach.  She  dictated  her  last 
Will  and  Testament,  in  which  she  made  a  very  full 
declaration  of  her  firm  belief  "  that  we  are  saved 
by  Faith  and  not  by  works,''  also  in  which  she  re- 
membered her  friends  and  all  who  had  served  and 
loved  her  ;  she  kept  it  near  her,  adding  many  codicils 
from  time  to  time.  With  all  the  stately  pride  of 
royalty,  she  begins  : 

"  In  the  Name  of  God. 

"  We,    Renee    of    France,    Duchess    of    Chartres, 


RENEE  IN  FRANCE  135 

Countess  of  Gisors,  Lady  of  Montargis,  widow  and 
dowager  of  the  late  Monseigneur  of  good  memory 
Ercole  II  of  Ferrara,  Daughter  of  the  late  King 
Louis  XII  and  the  late  Queen  Anne,  Duchess  of 
Bretagne  ..." 

But  when  she  gives  directions  for  her  funeral,  it 
is  with  deep  Christian  humility  and  a  clear  recognition 
of  the  vanity  of  all  earthly  things.  She  directs  that 
her  body  shall  be  placed  in  a  wooden  coffin  and 
buried  in  the  earth  within  the  Chapel  of  the  Castello, 
without  pomp  or  ceremony,  accompanied  by  her 
officials,  her  ladies  and  her  servants ;  and  she  does 
not  wish  for  any  monument.  Her  death  took  place 
on  July  2,  1575,  in  the  sixty-fifth  year  of  her  age. 
As  we  take  leave  of  Renee,  so  sorely  tried  and  tempted, 
we  may  surely  trust  that  "  to  her  much  will  be 
forgiven,  for  she  loved  much." 


CHAPTER   XII 

PIETRO   PAOLO   VERGERIO 

Pietro  Paolo  Vergerio,  Bishop  of  Capo  d'lstria — Educated  at  Padua — 
Sent  as  Nuncio  to  Germany — His  acquaintance  with  Marguerite 
of  Navarre  in  Paris — He  openly  joins  the  Reformers — His 
escape  to  the  Grisons — Becomes  Minister  of  Vicosoprano — His 
correspondence  and  friendship  with  Olympia  Morata — He  dies  at 
Tiibingen  in  1565. 

Before  taking  leave  of  the  Duchess  Renee  and  her 
friends  and  relations  at  the  French  Court,  it  will  be 
interesting  to  touch  upon  the  history  of  an  Italian 
Reformer  who  appears  to  have  been  much  influenced 
by  Marguerite  of  Navarre  and  her  circle. 

Pietro  Paolo  Vergerio  was  born  at  Capo  d'lstria, 
on  a  small  island  in  the  Venetian  territory,  in  1498. 
Like  his  more  famous  ancestor,  the  friend  of  Petrarch, 
he  was  educated  at  the  University  of  Padua,  where 
he  greatly  distinguished  himself.  Amongst  his  com- 
panions were  Peter  Martyr  Vermigli,  Flaminio  the 
poet  and  the  brilliant  Bembo,  who  were  all  at  that 
time  attracted  by  the  fame  of  Luther's  learning  and 
audacity.  Vergerio  was  very  anxious  to  go  to 
Wittenberg  and  make  his  acquaintance,  and  hoped 
to  take  advantage  of  a  curious  opportunity. 
Frederick,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  had  a  fine 
collection  of  relics,  and  his  chaplain  had  written  to 
Padua  to  ask  that  other  precious  bones  should  be 
sent  to  him.     As  a  trusty  messenger  was  needed  for 

136 


PIETRO  PAOLO  VERGERIO         137 

this  purpose,  Vergerio  offered  to  take  the  relics  to 
Wittenberg,  and  set  forth  with  his  brother  Giacomo, 
but  they  were  taken  ill  on  the  journey  and  were 
compelled  to  return  to  Padua.  Meanwhile,  the 
doctrines  of  the  Eef  ormation  made  such  rapid  progress 
in  Saxony,  that  another  letter  arrived  from  the 
Elector's  chaplain  saying  that :  "  Faith  in  God  and 
love  to  mankind  were  now  considered  more  needful 
than  relics,''  and  these  were  no  longer  required. 

Vergerio  next  became  a  notary,  and  was  made  vicar 
of  the  Podesta  at  Padua.  Then  in  1526  he  resolved 
to  go  to  Venice,  and  his  friend  Bembo  wrote  a  warm 
letter  of  introduction,  speaking  of  him  as  a  man  of 
high  reputation  for  his  learning  and  eloquence. 
Four  years  later  he  went  to  Rome,  where  his  brother 
Aurelio  was  Secretary  to  Clement  VII,  with  the 
intention  of  taking  orders,  as  a  sure  high-road  to 
honour.  He  soon  won  golden  opinions  both  from 
Cardinal  Contarini  and  the  Pope,  who  took  Pietro 
into  his  service,  and  sent  him  on  an  important  mission 
to  Germany.  In  this  he  was  so  satisfactory  that  he 
was  sent  as  Nuncio  to  the  Court  of  the  new  Elector 
of  Saxony,  to  propose  a  General  Council,  but  the 
German  Protestants  would  not  submit  to  any  Council 
under  the  authority  of  the  Pope. 

On  the  accession  of  Paul  III,  Vergerio  was  again 
sent  back  to  Germany,  to  visit  the  Reformed  princes 
and  cities,  and  especially  to  win  over  the  Protestant 
preachers  by  promises  of  favour,  so  that  a  joint 
Council  might  be  held  in  Italy.  There  are  various 
accounts  of  the  Nuncio's  meeting  with  Luther,  but 
there  is  no  doubt  that  his  early  desire  was  now 
gratified.  It  must  have  been  a  most  interesting 
interview,  but  all  the  plausible  casuistry  of  the  expert 


138  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

Vergerio  failed  before  the  simple  honesty  of  the  great 
Reformer. 

In  vain  did  the  Nuncio  point  out  that  if  Luther 
would  only  come  to  the  proposed  Council  at  Mantua, 
and  *'  behave  with  gentleness  and  charity,"  the 
scheme  of  reconciliation  with  the  Church  would  be 
a  success.  In  vain  did  he  delicately  hint  that  no 
reward  would  be  too  great  to  expect  from  the  Pope, 
and  alluded  to  distinguished  men  who  by  giving  up 
their  private  opinions,  had  become  Cardinals  and 
even  Popes.  We  may  imagine  the  indignant  and 
crushing  reply  of  Luther  to  such  futile  temptations, 
and  we  are  not  surprised  that  Vergerio  had  a  very 
unsatisfactory  report  to  take  Paul  III.  No  sub- 
mission was  to  be  expected  from  Luther  or  his  dis- 
ciples, who  would  attend  no  Council  which  was  not 
absolutely  free,  and  held  in  their  own  land. 

Vergerio  was  next  sent  to  the  Emperor  to  urge  that 
he  should  make  war  on  the  Protestants,  but  Charles  V 
was  already  fully  engaged  with  France.  In  1536, 
Pietro  was  made  Bishop  of  Capo  d'Istria,  his  native 
place,  as  a  reward  for  his  services  to  the  Pope.  But 
residence  in  his  see  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
necessary,  for  Vergerio,  in  June,  paid  a  visit  on  his 
own  account  to  Germany,  and  later  on,  his  letters 
speak  of  his  keen  interest  in  the  religious  Society  at 
Viterbo — of  Vittoria  Colonna,  Contarini,  Pole,  and 
Fregoso. 

His  opinions  on  the  subject  of  Church  reform  had 
certainly  undergone  a  great  change  before  1540, 
when  he  was  sent  with  Cardinal  Ippolito  d'Este  on 
a  mission  to  France.  Here  he  made  the  acquaintance 
of  Queen  Marguerite  of  Navarre,  and  he  gives  a  most 
interesting  account  of  her  in  several  letters  to  the 


PIETRO  PAOLO  VERGEBIO  139 

Marchesa  di  Pescara.  He  naively  describes  the 
splendour  of  the  Court  at  Paris,  the  noble  personages 
whom  he  meets,  and  above  all,  the  overwhelming 
fascination  of  Queen  Marguerite.  In  his  first  letter 
he  says  : 

**  I  saw  and  observed  the  Most  Serene  Queen,  for 
more  than  an  hour,  while  she  was  speaking  to  my 
Cardinal,  and  I  beheld  in  the  expression  of  her 
countenance  ...  a  most  harmonious  union  of  majesty, 
modesty  and  benevolence.  Besides  this,  1  discerned 
that  fervour  of  spirit  and  that  clear  light  which  God 
has  imparted  to  her  ;  thus  she  can  walk  in  the  blessed 
foretaste  of  eternal  life.'' 

In  his  next  letter,  Vergerio  writes,  after  a  salutation  : 

"  As  St.  John  saluted  the  elect  lady  .  .  .  God  does 
not  observe  whether  we  attend  to  worldly  customs  .  . . 
but  whether  we  nourish  ourselves  with  His  word,  and 
say  and  do  all  to  the  Glory  of  His  Divine  Majesty. 
I  am  now  to  give  you  an  account  of  the  great  joy 
and  consolation  I  have  received  these  few  days  past 
from  the  Most  Serene  Queen  of  Navarre.  We  con- 
versed long  on  the  state  of  the  Church  of  God,  the 
study  of  Divine  things,  and  those  points  of  spiritual 
doctrine,  which  your  Excellency  desires  we  should 
have  ever  in  our  heart  and  on  our  lips. ...  I  can  hardly 
describe  the  fervour  and  eloquence  with  which  she 
dwells  on  the  Grace  of  God  and  the  power  of  His 
word.  .  .  .'* 

He  then  alludes  to  other  kindred  spirits  whom  he 
has    known.      "  In    Ferrara,   the    Lady  Renee  of 


140  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

France,  in  Urbino,  the  Lady  Leonora  Gonzaga,  and 

many  others." 

The  subject  of  Marguerite  of  Navarre's  true  re- 
ligious opinions  is  a  very  difficult  one,  and  we  can  only 
lightly  touch  upon  it.  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt 
that  the  Protestant  doctrines  had  a  strong  mystical 
attraction  for  her,  and  that  all  who  came  in  contact 
with  her  were  deeply  impressed  with  her  earnestness 
and  sincerity  ;  still  more  perhaps  by  her  charm  of 
voice  and  manner.  She  wrote  most  pious  evangelical 
poems  like  the  "  Miroir  de  TAme  pecheresse"  which 
Queen  Elizabeth,  as  a  girl  of  eleven,  translated  into 
English,'  and  presented  to  her  step-mother  Catherine 
Parr. 

The  Sorbonne  condemned  this  poem  as  heretical ; 
it  clearly  spoke  of  Christ  as  the  only  Saviour  and 
Advocate  for  the  soul,  and  made  no  allusion  to  saints 
or  priestly  rites.  When  Francois  I  heard  that  the 
learned  body  had  dared  to  condemn  his  sister's  work, 
he  was  furious  and  insisted  on  the  sentence  being 
withdrawn.  "  My  sister  Marguerite  will  always  be- 
lieve as  I  do,  and  she  will  never  do  anything  to  inter- 
fere with  my  position,"  was  his  proud  declaration. 
There  was  really  much  truth  in  this,  for  she  was 
devoted  to  her  brother,  and  for  his  sake  was  always 
ready  to  conform  outwardly  to  the  dominant  religion. 

Vergerio  and  others  took  Marguerite  very  seriously. 
He  wrote  to  her  from  the  Diet  of  Worms,  bitterly 
regretting  its  failure,  when  the  efforts  of  so  many 
good  and  earnest  men  were  utterly  defeated,  through 
the  Pope's  repression.  "  They  reason  about  Justifica- 
tion, the  Grace  of  God  and  the  Sacraments  as  though 

1  The  MS.  of  "  The  Mirour  of  a  guUty  Sowle "  is  stUl  in  the 
Bodleian  Library. 


PIETRO  PAOLO  VERGERIO  141 

they  were  profane  matters  in  some  common  law- 
suit. Your  Majesty  knows  well  that  the  doctrines 
and  mysteries  of  God  cannot  be  thus  learned  or 
taught.  ..." 

In  sadness  and  disappointment,  Vergerio  now 
retired  to  his  bishopric,  determined  to  do  his  duty 
and  to  reform  the  great  abuses  which  had  arisen  on 
every  side.  At  this  time  he  had  no  idea  of  leaving 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  as  he  believed  it  was 
possible  to  restore  it  to  the  simplicity  and  pure 
doctrines  of  early  Christianity.  To  this  end,  he  set 
to  work  earnestly  to  check  all  scandalous  and  corrupt 
practices  amongst  the  friars  and  priests.  This  at 
once  aroused  the  most  furious  opposition,  which  was 
greatly  increased  when  the  Bishop  ordered  the  re- 
moval from  a  church  of  the  images  of  St.  Christopher 
and  St.  George  on  horseback,  pointing  out  the  super- 
stitious folly  of  suffering  them  to  be  objects  of  worship. 
A  strong  party  was  soon  roused  to  oppose  him  ;  the 
Podesta,  a  son  of  Bembo,  made  no  effort  to  take  his 
part,  and  Vergerio  was  formally  accused  of  heresy 
to  the  Papal  Nuncio  at  Venice,  who  expressed 
disapproval  and  passed  a  censure  upon  him.  To 
make  matters  worse,  a  priest  openly  preached  against 
him  in  his  own  city,  attributing  the  long  drought  of 
that  summer  and  the  failure  of  the  crops,  to  the 
Bishop's  impiety  towards  the  images. 

The  general  indignation  was  now  so  great,  that 
Vergerio  went  to  Mantua  to  consult  his  friend, 
Cardinal  Ercole  Gonzaga.  During  his  absence,  the 
Nuncio  sent  his  inquisitors  to  search  the  Bishop's 
palace  at  Capo  d'l stria  for  heretical  books,  and  they 
found  so  many  Protestant  works  as  to  form  a  strong 
ground   of   accusation.     Amongst   these   were,    the 


142  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

famous  "  II  Beneficio  di  Christo" — the  Credo  of  tlie 
Reformers — "  II  Summario  della  sacra  Scrittura/'  and, 
a  satire  on  the  Pope  by  Celio  Secundo  Curione,  called 
"  Pasquino  in  Esta&i/'  Not  satisfied  with  this  raid, 
the  inquisitors  appear  to  have  collected  all  the  com- 
plaints made  by  the  friars  against  their  spiritual  lord. 

In  August  1546,  Vergerio  published  a  full  defence 
against  all  these  accusations.  He  explained  that  in 
a  certain  church,  there  were  three  gigantic  figures  of 
pasteboard — representing  St.  George,  the  king's 
daughter  and  a  horrible  beast — hanging  so  low  that 
they  took  up  most  of  the  church.  These  he  had 
ordered  to  be  removed  ;  and  he  also  remarked  that 
Paul  III  had  already  taken  out  St.  George  from  the 
breviary.  He  did  not  deny  that  he  had  publicly 
proved  the  imposture  of  a  woman  who  had  been  paid 
to  say  the  Virgin  had  given  her  a  message  ;  that  he 
had  reproved  a  friar  who  boasted  from  the  pulpit 
that  he  had  a  tooth  of  St.  Apollonia  which  cured 
tooth-ache  ;  he  did  not  deny  that  he  had  said  it  was 
better  to  give  the  oil  to  the  poor  than  to  burn  it 
before  the  unseemly  image  of  St.  Anne  giving  birth 
to  the  Virgin,  and  he  owned  that  such  was  the  evil 
life  of  the  friars,  that  a  church  were  better  burned 
down  than  made  a  place  for  their  unholy  practices. 
As  for  the  works  he  had  published  at  that  time,  there 
was  nothing  that  could  be  accused  of  heresy.  ...  In 
short  there  was  no  evidence  to  condemn  a  Bishop 
who  only  aimed  at  reforming  glaring  abuses. 

However  this  was  but  a  temporary  reprieve,  for 
his  enemies,  and  especially  the  Franciscans,  were 
determined  to  ruin  him.  He  had  excited  their  hatred 
in  Capo  dTstria,  for  separating  a  convent  of  nuns  from 
a  Franciscan  monastery,  by  causing  a  public  thorough- 


PIETRO  PAOLO  VERGERIO  143 

fare  to  be  made  between  the  two  buildings.  In  vain 
did  his  friend,  the  Cardinal  Gonzaga,  make  earnest 
appeals  on  his  behalf,  entreating  that  he  should  not 
be  summoned  to  Rome,  as  the  Inquisition  at  Venice 
had  pronounced  him  to  be  "  innocent  and  highly 
praiseworthy." 

Pietro  Vergerio  was  dismissed  from  his  bishopric 
by  the  Legate,  before  the  end  of  1548,  and  he  obeyed 
the  command,  retiring  to  Padua.  Here  a  tragic  event 
made  a  great  impression  upon  him.  A  certain 
Francesco  Spiera,  who  was  well  known  as  a  successful 
lawyer,  became  converted  to  the  reformed  opinions. 
He  was  summoned  to  appear  before  the  Legate  at 
Venice,  and  was  there  induced  by  threats  and  possibly 
torture,  to  recant  and  promise  obedience  to  the  Church. 
Pardon  was  granted,  on  condition  that  he  should 
make  public  confession  at  Padua,  and  deny  all  that 
he  had  openly  professed.  On  his  return  home,  how- 
ever, he  had  already  repented  of  his  weakness,  and 
only  the  persuasion  of  his  family  induced  him  to  make 
a  public  disavowal  of  all  his  errors.  Then  conscience 
asserted  itself,  and  in  his  utter  despair,  he  believed  he 
had  committed  the  unpardonable  sin,  that  there  was 
no  hope  of  pardon  in  this  world  or  the  next.  His 
reason  gave  way,  he  refused  food  and  died  in  agony 
of  mind  and  body. 

Pietro,  who  had  often  watched  by  his  bedside  in 
those  terrible  hours,  was  so  overcome  with  horror 
at  the  tragic  fate  of  this  poor  man,  that  when  he  was 
summoned  to  Rome  to  justify  himself,  he  readily 
listened  to  the  advice  of  Cardinal  Gonzaga,  who 
knew  the  danger  of  such  a  step,  as  the  Pope  was 
strongly  prejudiced  against  him.  Vergerio  resolved 
to  secede  at  once  from  the  Romish  Church,  and  on 


144  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

December  13, 1548,  he  wrote  to  announce  his  decision, 
enclosing  an  account  of  the  tragedy  of  Spiera.  The 
following  July,  he  effected  his  escape,  by  Milan  and 
Chiavenna,  to  the  Grisons,  where  there  was  already  a 
large  settlement  of  Italian  Protestants.  Here  he 
undertook  the  ministry  of  Vicosoprano,  the  capital 
of  the  rich  Val  Bregaglia,  which  was  vacant  by  the 
death  of  another  Italian  exile,  and  in  that  neighbour- 
hood he  had  many  opportunities  of  preaching. 

The  apostasy  of  a  Bishop  of  so  much  learning  and 
eloquence  was  a  great  blow  to  the  Church  of  Rome, 
and  he  was  excommunicated  and  burnt  in  effigy. 
This  added  to  Vergerio's  reputation  in  his  new  sphere 
of  work,  and  the  people  crowded  to  hear  him  whenever 
he  ascended  the  pulpit.  On  one  occasion  when  he 
was  returning  from  the  Valteline,  he  lodged  at  the 
village  of  Pontresina,  at  the  foot  of  Monte  Bernino. 
The  parish  priest  had  died  that  day,  and  the  people 
had  gathered  together  to  consider  who  should  be  his 
successor.  Vergerio  offered  to  address  them,  and 
they  accepted  out  of  curiosity,  but  were  so  much 
interested  in  his  teaching  that  they  begged  him  to 
preach  again  the  next  day.  With  his  usual  persuasive 
earnestness,  he  set  forth  the  main  doctrines  of  the 
Reformed  Faith  :  the  merits  of  Christ's  death  and 
justification  by  faith.  He  made  so  deep  an  impression 
that  his  hearers  were  actually  induced  to  invite  a 
Protestant  divine  to  become  their  next  pastor. 

More  than  once,  Vergerio  was  accused  before  the 
civil  authorities  because,  as  the  result  of  his  preach- 
ing, all  the  images  had  been  thrown  down  in  the 
Roman  Catholic  church  of  the  village  where  he  had 
been.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  been  very  popular 
amongst  the  Protestant  divines,   possibly,   for  one 


o^run^.  t    V'  n 


'fc/ze^Cl,  </('    <Lye,^C(l'7€C: 


PIETRO  PAOLO  VERGERIO  145 

reason,  because  he  refused  to  call  himself  a  Lutheran 
or  a  Calvinist,  but  said  he  was  simply  a  Christian. 
He  also  appears  to  have  excited  their  jealousy  by 
asserting  a  sort  of  authority  amongst  them,  as  a 
superintendent  of  the  Italian  churches ;  and  it  was 
made  a  complaint  by  some  that  **  he  had  not  laid 
aside  the  mitre." 

Vergerio  undoubtedly  did  most  valuable  and  useful 
work,  both  by  his  eloquent  preaching  in  scattered 
places,  far  and  wide,  and  by  his  many  works,  of  which 
a  large  portion  are  directed  against  the  errors  and 
abuses  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Many  efforts  were 
made  to  induce  him  to  return  to  his  allegiance  ;  the 
last  was  at  Tiibingen,  where  he  was  invited  by  the 
Duke  of  Wittenberg,  to  a  discussion  with  the  Nuncio 
Delfino.  But  he  remained  firm  against  every  tempta- 
tion, and  died  a  Protestant  at  Tiibingen  on  October  4, 
1565.  In  his  funeral  sermon,  and  in  his  epitaph,  he 
was  compared  to  St.  Paul,  both  having  been  opposed 
to  the  truth,  and  both  having  **  obtained  mercy 
because  they  did  it  in  ignorance." 

I  cannot  close  this  brief  sketch  of  Pietro  Paolo 
Vergerio,  without  touching  upon  the  more  sympa- 
thetic side  of  his  character,  and  the  way  in  which  he 
was  looked  upon  by  those  who  were  proud  to  call 
themselves  his  friends. 

Amongst  the  letters  of  one  of  the  most  interesting 
characters  of  the  Italian  Reformation,  Olympia 
Morata,  we  find  one  addressed  to  Vergerio  from 
Heidelberg,  in  the  year  1555. 

"  Most  Excellent  Vergerio, 

"  I    should   have   replied   long   ago   to   your 
letter,  which  I  received  through  the  Jurisconsult, 
10 


146  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Charles  Dumoulin,  if  I  had  not  been  prevented  by 
a  serious  illness  from  which  I  have  not  quite  recovered. 
I  will  no  longer  delay  ...  for  I  long  to  write  to  you 
since  I  have  read  the  works  in  which  you  take  in 
hand  the  defence  of  the  truth  with  so  much  ardour. 
I  did  not  doubt  your  zeal  in  the  support  of  our  Church, 
but  I  did  not  dare  to  ask  this  testimony.  ...  It  seemed 
to  me  that  I  could  not  be  the  first  to  write  to  you, 
without  exposing  myself  to  the  reproach  of  presump- 
tion and  pride.  I  am  most  happy  now  to  be  able, 
thanks  to  your  letter,  to  speak  to  you  with  full 
freedom.  I  must  thank  you  first  for  your  most 
gracious  gift  of  your  books,  and  then  I  must  address 
you  a  prayer  which  I  did  not  dare  to  make  before. 

*'  As  your  zeal  is  so  great  for  the  spreading  of  the 
truth,  could  you  not  translate  into  Italian  the  Cate- 
chism of  the  Doctor  Martin  Luther,  already  translated 
from  German  into  Latin  ?  It  will  be  sufficient  for 
you  to  read  this  book  in  ordeT  to  judge  what  immense 
profit  our  countrymen  would  gain  from  it,  especially 
the  children  in  our  schools.  That  is  why  I  dare 
to  implore  you,  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  for 
the  love  of  our  brethren  in  Italy,  who  have  a  right 
to  all  our  services,  that  you  will  undertake  this  work. 

*'  I  am  well  aware  that  a  great  division  has  arisen 
amongst  the  Christian  Churches  concerning  the 
sacraments.  But  these  sad  discords  will  soon  fade 
away,  if  men  will  keep  more  in  sight  the  glory  of  Christ 
and  the  salvation  of  His  Church,  of  which  the  secret 
is  in  the  union  of  all  its  members.  I  return  therefore 
to  the  subject  of  my  letter,  and  repeat  once  more  that 
you  will  render  a  great  service  to  Italy,  in  presenting 
her  with  the  Catechism  of  Luther. 

"  The  news  you  give  me  on  the  subject  of  the 


PIETRO  PAOLO  VERGERIO  147 

Duchess  of  Ferrara  had  reached  me  last  December 
in  a  letter  from  a  pious  friend  in  that  city.  I  grieve, 
without  being  astonished,  at  the  fall  of  that  Princess 
whom  I  learned  to  know  in  other  days.  I  wonder 
more  at  the  sad  falling  ofi  of  others.  My  mother  has 
remained  firm  through  the  storm.  Glory  be  to  God 
and  to  Him  be  all  the  honour !  I  implore  her  to 
leave  this  Babylon,  with  my  sisters,  in  order  to  come 
and  join  me  in  this  country. 

"  My  husband  thanks  you  for  the  offer  that  you 
make  him  of  your  services  ;  his  heart  towards  you  is 
all  that  you  can  desire.  I  join  with  him  in  praying 
you  not  to  miss  a  favourable  opportunity  to  come 
and  see  us.  This  visit  will  make  us  all  most  happy. 
Adieu.    Heidelberg.     1555.'' 


CHAPTER   XIII 

OLYMPIA  MORATA 

The  story  of  Olympia  Morata — Her  early  life  and  classical  education 
— Attains  wonderful  proficiency — Lectures  on  Cicero — At  the 
Court  of  Ferrara  aa  teacher  of  Anna  d'Este — Her  friendship  with 
Lavinia  della  Rovere — Death  of  her  father,  Fulvio  Peregrine  Morato 

In  taking  up  once  more  tlie  account  of  the  Reforma- 
tion in  Ferrara,  we  have  now  reached  the  story  of  a 
noble  heroine  who  "  failed  not  for  sorrow,  faltered 
not  for  fear,''  and  who  rises  before  us  as  one  of  the 
most  fascinating  and  striking  figures  of  the  Italian 
Reformation. 

In  the  brilliant  circle  which  surrounded  the  Duchess 
Renee  at  the  Court  of  Ferrara,  one  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished was  the  professor  Fulvio  Peregrino  Morato. 
A  native  of  Mantua,  he  had  devoted  himself  to  classical 
studies,  and  had  taught  Greek  and  Latin  literature 
with  success  in  the  most  celebrated  universities  of 
Italy.  He  had  been  appointed  tutor  to  the  younger 
sons  of  Duke  Alfonso,  but  for  some  reason  he  had  to 
leave  Ferrara  in  1533  ;  possibly  because  he  had 
written  "  in  favour  of  the  reformed  doctrines.  He 
was  recalled  in  1538,  by  Duke  Ercole  II,  and  once 
more  lectured  in  the  University,  to  the  great  delight 
of  his  pupils,  amongst  whom  the  most  famous  was  to 
be  his  own  daughter,  Olympia  Morata. 

She  was  born  at  Ferrara  in  1526,  and  brought  up 
in  such  an  atmosphere  of  learning  that,  from  her 

148 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  149 

earliest  years,  the  names  of  the  great  writers  of 
antiquity  were  famihar  to  her  as  household  words. 
To  the  eager,  receptive  child,  their  language  and  their 
sentiments  became  a  very  part  of  her  life,  and  in  this 
bygone  classical  world,  her  spirit  dwelt  and  blossomed 
like  some  rare  orchid  in  a  treasured  hothouse. 

With  passionate  enthusiasm,  her  father  devoted 
himself  to  Olympia's  education  ;  and  in  order  to  be 
confirmed  in  his  own  proud  estimate  of  her  wonderful 
talent,  as  well  as  to  ensure  its  successful  training,  he 
called  in  the  help  of  the  famous  Greek  professor, 
Kilian  Sinapius.  Her  progress  was  so  rapid  that, 
before  she  was  twelve  years  old,  she  could  speak  the 
languages  of  Virgil  and  of  Homer  with  equal  facility, 
"  a  very  miracle  to  those  who  heard  her,''  not  only 
in  the  eloquence  of  her  speech,  but  in  the  keen  in- 
telligence with  which  she  grasped  the  images  and 
ideas  of  the  most  learned  classical  writers. 

The  fame  of  Olympia  Morata  soon  spread  beyond 
her  quiet  home,  and  she  found  herself  the  centre  of 
an  admiring  circle,  chiefly  composed  of  her  father's 
learned  friends.  Amongst  these  were  Johann  Sina- 
pius the  Court  physician,  brother  of  her  tutor  Kilian, 
the  poet  Leon  Jamet,  Alberto  LoUio,  and  above  all 
his  colleague,  the  Canon  Celio  Calcagnani,  at  once 
mathematician,  poet  and  archaeologist,  the  most 
intimate  friend  of  Fulvio.  He  had  first  been  at- 
tracted to  the  wonderful  child  when  her  father  was 
in  exile  at  Vicenza,  and  he  once  wrote  to  her : 

"  You  were  ever  a  chosen  disciple  of  the  Muses ; 
the  love  of  poetry  came  to  you  with  your  mother's 
milk,  and  by  a  divine  mystery,  you  drew  from  the 
same  source  both  bodily  and  spiritual  life." 


150  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Olympia  was  bappy  in  her  home  life,  with  the 
devoted  affection  of  her  talented  mother  Lucrezia, 
and  of  her  three  young  sisters ;  but  on  her  father's 
return  to  Ferrara,  another  prospect  opened  before 
her.  The  Duchess  Renee,  herself  a  most  accomplished 
and  talented  woman,  had  heard  of  this  brilliant  young 
scholar,  and  invited  her  to  become  the  companion 
and  teacher  of  Anna  her  eldest  daughter,  at  that 
time  a  child  of  eight  years  old,  while  Olympia  was 
only  five  years  older.  This  gave  great  satisfaction 
to  her  father,  who  felt  that  he  could  still  continue 
her  education,  while  the  young  girl,  released  from  all 
home  duties,  could  now  give  herself  up  entirely  to 
study.  As  her  friend  Celio  Calcagnani  wrote  to  her  : 
"  You  can  henceforth  devote  yourself  entirely  to 
literary  work,  giving  up  the  distaff  for  the  pen,  and 
needlework  for  books.  .  .  ."He  prays  her  to  keep 
her  modest  simplicity  and  the  holy  discipline  of  her 
home,  amongst  all  the  greatness  and  elegance  of  a 
Court.  A  warm  friendship  soon  sprang  up  between 
the  two  girls  who  had  so  many  tastes  in  common, 
for  nothing  had  been  spared  in  the  education  of  Anna, 
who  was  very  well  advanced  for  her  age  :  she  was 
already  learning  fragments  of  Cicero  to  recite,  and 
was  translating  the  fables  of  iEsop.  With  the 
companionship  and  encouragement,  as  well  as  the 
actual  instruction  of  her  friend,  she  made  excellent 
progress. 

As  for  Olympia  herself,  she  wrote  at  this  period, 
"  To  the  Glory  of  Mucins  Scevola,"  in  Greek,  and  a 
wonderful  series  of  notes  on  Homer,  which  she  trans- 
lated with  great  vigour  and  charm.  She  composed 
many  poems,  and  also  dialogues  in  Greek  and  Latin 
in  imitation  of  Plato  and  Cicero,  in  such  admirable 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  151 

style  that  tliey  were  greatly  praised  by  scholars. 
Calcagnani  wrote  to  her  tliat  "  the  talents  of  many 
women  are  like  unto  flowers  woven  in  a  garland,  which 
soon  fade,  but  yours  are  like  the  immortal  amaranth 
of  the  Muses  which  never  dies/'  But  perhaps  the 
most  interesting  instance  of  the  young  girl's  wonder- 
ful talent  was  given  in  her  three  Latin  essays  on  the 
"  Paradoxes  of  Marcus  Tullius  Cicero,"  when  she 
was  barely  sixteen.  These  she  delivered  irom 
memory,  as  Lectures  in  the  private  Academy  of  the 
Duchess  of  Ferrara. 

We  do  not  wonder  that  she  was  full  of  shy  modesty 
at  the  prospect  of  thus  speaking  in  public,  and  that 
she  usually  began  with  a  prologue,  in  which  she 
implored  the  indulgence  of  the  audience.  It  was  thus 
that  she  introduced  her  third  discourse : 

"  I  am  well  aware  of  the  rare  kindness  of  those  who 
listen  to  me,  yet  the  natural  timidity  of  my  youth, 
combined  with  the  weakness  of  my  talent,  inspire 
me  with  well-founded  alarm.  I  tremble  and  my 
voice  fails,  like  the  orator  before  the  altar  of  Lyons.* 

"  Notwithstanding,  at  your  command,  I  will 
obey.  .  .  .  For  the  third  time  I  will  endure  this  test, 
like  a  sculptor  unskilled  in  his  art,  and  unable  to 
carve  a  rough  stone.  But  if  he  is  offered  a  block 
of  marble  from  Paros,  he  no  longer  thinks  his  labour 
lost ;  the  material  will  incite  him  to  make  his  work 
worthy  of  it.  Perhaps  it  may  be  the  same  with 
mine. 

"  There  are  melodies  so  full  of  harmony,  that  even 
played  upon  the  most  simple  instrument,  they  pre- 

*  She  alludes  to  the  famous  contest  of  eloquence  instituted  at  Lyons 
by  the  Empei-or  Caligula  and  described  by  Suetonius. 


152  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

serve  all  their  sweetness.  Such  are  the  words  of  my 
favourite  author  ;  listen  to  them.  Even  in  passing 
through  my  lips,  they  can  lose  nothing  of  their  grace 
and  their  majesty." 

Olympia  had  been  trained  in  pronunciation  and 
delivery  by  her  father,  with  such  extreme  care,  that 
all  who  heard  her  speak  were  delighted  with  the 
musical  intonation  of  her  voice,  and  the  marvellous 
dramatic  expression  which  brought  out  vividly  the 
meaning  of  her  words.  Her  father's  friend,  the 
reformer  Celio  Secondo  Curione,  never  forgot  the  im- 
pression which  she  made  upon  him,  and  he  says  in 
after  years : 

"  Then  we  heard  her  declaiming  in  Latin,  impro- 
vising in  Greek,  explaining  the  Paradoxes  of  the 
greatest  of  orators,  and  replying  to  all  the  questions 
addressed  to  her.  She  could  only  be  rightly  compared 
to  one  of  those  wonderful  learned  Sybils  of  Greece 
or  Rome." 

We  have  seen  how,  under  the  care  of  Olympia,  her 
pupil  Anna  d'Este  became  an  accomplished  scholar. 
In  the  story  of  Renee,  we  have  already  mentioned 
the  entertainment  her  precocious  children  gave  to 
Pope  Paul  III  on  the  occasion  of  his  visit  to  Ferrara 
in  1543,  when  they  acted  before  him  the  Latin 
comedy  of  Terence,  "  the  Adelphi,"  but  we  can  well 
imagine  how  much  of  its  success  was  due  to  the 
devoted  Olympia. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  young  girl  wrote 
her  Greek  Odes,  which  we  may  still  read  with  ad- 
miration in  her  collected  works,  but  which  for  us 
have  lost  the  charm  of  her  living  presence  and  the 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  153 

attraction  of  the  young  girl's  voice  and  manner  as 
she  recited  them  to  an  admiring  Court,  who  listened 
as  to  another  Muse,  and  applauded  in  such  words  as 
these :  "If  the  ancient  world  rightly  praised  such 
inspired  women  as  Sappho,  Praxilla  and  Corinne ; 
surely  we  are  justified  in  acclaiming  Olympia  as  the 
honour  and  glory  of  Ferrara." 

Hitherto  the  young  girl  had  been  scarcely  touched 
by  the  wave  of  reforming  thought  and  study  which 
was  sweeping  over  Italy.  It  is  true  that  we  are  told 
of  Anna  and  her  young  teacher  reading  and  studying 
the  Bible  together  in  the  original  Greek.  But  in 
that  brilliant  Court  of  Ferrara,  there  were  so  many 
intellectual  and  especially  classical  attractions,  that 
Olympia  had  not  yet  thought  very  seriously  on  the 
subject  of  religion.  The  Duke  was  now  on  intimate 
terms  with  the  Pope,  and  to  all  outward  appearance 
the  orthodox  religion  reigned  supreme.  But  the 
Duchess  bravely  received  at  her  Court  and  gave  a 
refuge  to  many  distinguished  Reformers,  from  Calvin 
downwards  ;  while  there  were  also  many  fervent 
disciples  of  the  new  doctrines  amongst  the  professors 
of  the  Academy  of  Ferrara.  Distinguished  in  this 
company  were,  Bartolommeo  Riccio,  engaged  with  his 
book  on  "  Glory "  ;  Lilio  Giraldi,  the  writer  of  the 
"History  of  Gods  and  Poets,"  and  his  "Dialogue  on 
Contemporanean  Poets,"  which  Rome  looked  upon 
with  suspicion ;  Angelo  Manzolli,  the  physician  of  Duke 
Ercole,  whose  satirical  poems  were  directed  against 
the  Papacy.  Last  but  not  least,  was  the  delightful 
poet  Marcantonio  Flaminio,  who  enjoyed  the  circle 
of  the  Duchess  Renee,  for  he  found  there  the  same 
freedom  of  thought  as  he  had  enjoyed  at  Naples,  in 
the  company  of  Juan  Valdes  and  his  friends. 


154  ITALIAN  EEFORMATION 

The  Greek  teacher  of  Olympia  Morata,  Celio 
Calcagnmi,  had  passed  away  in  1541,  but  there  still  re- 
mained the  two  brothers  Sinapius.  They  had  brought 
their  reformed  opinions  from  Germany,  and  had  been 
still  more  strengthened  in  their  belief  by  the  visit 
of  Calvin  himself.  The  elder  brother  Johann,  as  we 
have  already  seen  in  the  story  of  Renee,  had  married 
a  young  lady  of  her  Court,  Francesca  Bucyronia,  and 
they  both  became  most  intimate  friends  and  corre- 
spondents of  Olympia,  in  later  years.  But  possibly 
no  one  had  greater  influence  over  both  Peregrine 
Morato  and  his  daughter  than  the  earnest  Reformer 
Celio  Secundo  Curione.  When  he  was  compelled  to 
leave  Ferrara  and  seek  a  refuge  at  Lucca,  he  was 
deeply  regretted  by  the  Morato  family  as  a  "  divine 
preceptor,''  who  had  led  them  in  the  way  of  true 
wisdom. 

We  find  the  earliest  trace  of  Olympia's  changed 
opinions  on  the  subject  of  religion,  in  two  dialogues 
written  about  this  time.  Curiously  enough,  she  chose 
two  stories  from  Boccaccio  to  translate  into  Latin, 
and  they  appear  to  have  been  selected  because  they 
are  a  satire  upon  the  abuses  of  the  Roman  Church. 
One  remembers  the  account  of  that  Jewish  merchant 
who,  when  his  conversion  was  earnestly  pressed  by 
a  Christian  friend,  decided  first  to  visit  the  seat  of 
Christendom.  He  arrives  in  Rome,  sees  everything, 
observes  with  his  own  eyes  the  corruption  of  church- 
men ;  and  suddenly  convinced  of  the  divinity  of  a 
religion  which  can  exist  in  spite  of  all  these  abuses, 
is  at  once  baptised  on  his  return  home. 

The  other  story  is  of  the  hypocrite  who,  at  the  end 
of  an  evil  life,  desires  to  die  with  the  outward  ap- 
pearance of  a  saint.     He  deceives  his  confessor,  lies 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  155 

until  his  last  breath,  "  and  performs  as  many  miracles 
as  any  other  saint/'  says  Boccaccio.  Surely  we  can 
discern  a  deeper  meaning  in  this  choice  of  subjects, 
and  see  something  more  than  a  literary  essay  in  these 
translations,  for  the  schismatic  ideas  are  scarcely 
veiled  by  the  stately  language  of  Cicero.  Yet  we 
learn  from  her  own  letters  in  after  years,  that  the 
young  girl  had  not  yet  been  aw^akened  to  any  deep 
sense  of  religious  truth,  and  that  this  was  merely  an 
intellectual  perception  of  Romish  abuses. 
She  writes : 

"  Oh  how  necessary  it  was  that  I  should  be  put  to 
the  test  of  misfortune  !  I  had  no  taste  for  divine 
things  ;  the  reading  of  the  Old  or  the  New  Testament 
only  inspired  me  with  repugnance.  If  I  had  re- 
mained much  longer  at  the  Court,  there  would  have 
been  an  end  of  me  and  of  my  salvation.'' 

Knowledge  alone  was  not  sufficient  for  her ;  she 
needed  the  discipline  of  sorrow  to  strengthen  and 
spirituahse  her  character. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Olympia  was  fortunate 
enough  to  contract  a  friendship  which  was  the 
delight  of  her  happy  days  and  the  consolation  of 
dark  hours  to  come.  This  new  friend  was  Lavinia 
della  Rovere,  a  lady  of  Lucca,  who  had  married  in 
1541,  Paolo  Orsini,  the  son  of  Camillo  Orsini,  Papal 
governor  of  Parma.  She  was  a  few  years  older  than 
Olympia,  and  appears  to  have  spent  much  of  her 
time  at  the  Court  of  Ferrara,  for  she  saw  very  little 
of  her  husband,  a  distinguished  soldier  who  was  in 
the  service  of  King  Henri  II  of  France.  Lavinia 
is   spoken   of  as   a    noble-hearted    woman   with   a 


156  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

brilliant  intelligence,  and  the  two  friends  appear  to 
have  been  drawn  together  by  similar  tastes  and 
studies  ;  a  great  devotion  to  philosophy  and  literature, 
and  a  growing  interest  in  the  doctrines  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. The  two  sisters-in-law  of  Lavinia,  Maddalena 
the  wife  of  Lilio  de  Ceri,  and  Countess  Giulia  Rangone, 
were  admitted  into  this  intimate  circle  and  discussed 
the  problems  of  philosophy  and  the  mysteries  of 
religion,  in  which  they  had  scarcely  advanced  beyond 
the  stage  of  doubt  and  uncertainty. 

We  learn  this  from  subsequent  letters  of  Olympia, 
who  appears  to  have  been  much  troubled  at  this 
time  in  trying  to  understand  the  doctrine  of  pre- 
destination. It  was  only  later  that  this  formidable 
doctrine  lost  its  terrors  for  her,  when  the  feeling  of 
divine  adoption,  which  does  not  exclude  moral  liberty, 
became  for  her  the  principle  of  a  new  life. 

We  have  a  striking  instance  of  her  power  of  detach- 
ment from  religious  subjects,  in  the  absolutely  Pagan 
inspiration  of  the  last  Greek  ode  composed  by  Olympia 
during  her  residence  at  the  Court  of  Ferrara.  The 
famous  Cardinal  Bembo  had  died  in  February  1547, 
and  the  news  of  his  death  had  excited  universal 
regret  amongst  all  the  lovers  of  literature  whom  he 
had  so  long  charmed  by  his  writings.  The  talented 
young  girl  was  asked,  on  behalf  of  the  House  of  Este, 
to  express  the  universal  regret,  and  the  Greek  language 
seemed  best  adapted  as  a  homage  to  this  devoted 
student  of  ancient  literature.  This  is  a  translation 
which  can  do  but  little  justice  to  the  beauty  of  the 
original  lines. 

"  Bembo — the  glory  of  the  immortal  sisters,  the 
sun  of  Venice,  mistress  of  the  sea — Bembo  is  no 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  157 

more  !  Amongst  all  the  famous  men  of  this  century, 
none  can  equal  him  in  the  glory  of  his  life,  or  the 
charm  and  sweetness  of  his  language.  He  is  dead, 
and  with  him  has  passed  away  the  glowing  spirit  of 
eloquence ;  Cicero  seems  to  have  descended  once 
more  into  the  sombre  regions  of  silence/' 

These  lines  have  an  importance  for  us  as  marking  a 
turning  point  in  the  life  of  Olympia.  Hitherto  her 
education  had  been  almost  entirely  devoted  to  the 
study  of  the  classics  ;  she  had  lived  in  those  past 
centuries  of  fame  and  magnificence,  and  she  only 
knew  the  life  of  the  present,  through  her  books,  and 
the  learned  scholars  who  were  unanimous  in  the 
praise  of  her  genius.  Her  only  troubles  had  been 
those  of  an  enquiring  soul,  which  has  begun  to  question 
its  faith,  and  which  struggles  against  doubt.  Other 
and  more  overwhelming  troubles  were  in  store  for 
her.  An  awakening  was  at  hand  from  those  rosy 
dreams  of  youth,  when  she  dwelt  in  a  sunny  Arcadia, 
or  a  stately  Parnassus  with  Gods  and  Heroes  and 
Muses.     Now  the  stern  realities  of  life  were  before  her. 

The  first  blow  of  misfortune  struck  Olympia  in 
her  dearest  affections.  Her  father,  Peregrino  Morato, 
who  had  for  some  time  given  up  his  duties  as  pro- 
fessor, on  account  of  his  failing  health,  was  taken 
seriously  ill  in  1548,  and  she  at  once  left  the  Court  to 
devote  herself  to  him.  Soon  he  grew  worse  and  all 
hope  was  given  up,  but  his  end  was  calm  and  serene, 
for  he  looked  beyond  the  horizon  of  this  uncertain 
world  to  the  glorious  hopes  of  eternal  life. 

The  loss  of  her  dear  father  was  only  the  beginning 
of  the  grievous  troubles  which  came  upon  Olympia 
with  crushing  force,  one  after  another.    She  was  still 


158  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

watching  by  the  sick-bed  of  Peregrine  Morato,  when 
a  marriage  was  arranged  for  her  devoted  pupil  and 
companion,  Anna  d'Este,  which  would  take  the  young 
princess,  now  seventeen  years  of  age,  away  from  the 
Court  of  Ferrara,  at  the  time  of  Olympiads  greatest 
need.  The  chosen  bridegroom  was  Frangois  de 
Lorraine,  so  notorious  later  as  that  Due  de  Guise 
who  was  the  most  inveterate  foe  of  the  French 
Protestants.  The  alliance  had  been  arranged  by 
Henri  II  King  of  France,  the  nephew  of  Renee,  who 
had  very  little  voice  in  the  matter.  The  wedding 
took  place  on  September  29,  and  was  followed  by 
the  departure  of  the  Princess  Anna,  who  was  deeply 
regretted  by  all  who  knew  her,  but  above  all  by 
Olympia,  to  whom  in  her  coming  troubles,  the  loss  of 
a  faithful  friend  at  Court  was  irreparable. 


CHAPTER   XIV 

OLYMPiA  MORATA  (continued) 

Trouble  and  persecution  for  Olympia  Morata — She  devotes  herself  to 
reUgious  study — Much  impressed  by  the  endurance  and  martyr- 
dom of  Pannio — Olympia  marries  Andrew  Grunthler,  a  young 
German  physician — She  is  driven  to  leave  Ferrara — Travels  with 
her  husband  to  Augsburg — He  receives  an  appointment  in  his 
native  town  of  Schweinfurt. 

At  this  distance  of  time,  it  is  difficult  to  trace  out 
and  understand  the  events  at  the  Court  of  Ferrara 
which  caused  Renee's  change  of  feeling  towards 
Olympia  Morata.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  great 
influence  which  the  young  girl  had  obtained,  and 
the  unbounded  admiration  expressed  on  all  sides  for 
her  talents,  had  awakened  envy  and  jealousy  amongst 
others  less  favoured.  But  the  exciting  cause  appears 
to  have  been  the  arrival  at  Ferrara  of  a  certain 
Jerome  Bolsec,  who  had  escaped  from  a  Carmelite 
monastery  at  Paris,  and  had  been  received  by  the 
Duchess  with  her  usual  kindness  towards  exiles,  and 
appointed  her  almoner.  For  some  unknown  reason 
his  hatred  was  aroused  against  Olympia  and  her 
friends,  and  unfortunately,  Renee  appears  to  have 
believed  the  calumnies  which  she  heard  against  her 
former  favourite.  Olympia  was  summoned  to  Court 
to  answer  some  vague  accusations ;  she  was  over- 
whelmed at  finding  herself  in  the  midst  of  enemies, 
while  even  the  Duchess  said  nothing  in  her  favour ; 

159 


160  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

her  defence  was  not  listened  to,  and  she  returned 
home,  disgraced  and  broken-hearted. 

In  one  of  her  letters,  she  thus  describes  her  grief 
and  humiliation : 

"  After  my  father's  death,  I  remained  alone, 
betrayed,  abandoned  by  those  who  ought  to  have 
supported  me,  exposed  to  the  most  unjust  treatment. 
My  sisters  shared  my  fate,  and  we  only  received 
ingratitude  as  a  return  for  so  much  devotion  and 
such  faithful  service  during  many  years.  You  cannot 
imagine  what  was  then  my  despair  !  No  one,  amongst 
those  whom  we  had  formerly  called  our  friends, 
dared  to  show  any  interest  in  us  ;  and  we  were 
plunged  in  an  abyss  so  profound  that  it  appeared 
impossible  for  us  ever  to  rise  from  it.'" 

Her  friend  Lavinia  della  Rovere  seems  to  have 
been  away  at  Parma  at  this  time,  for  her  devoted 
affection  never  failed ;  and  there  were  others  who, 
if  they  had  not  the  courage  openly  to  take  the  part 
of  the  accused,  were  only  waiting  their  opportunity 
to  befriend  her. 

But  in  this  hour  of  darkest  despair,  the  courage  of 
Olympia  rose  to  the  emergency,  and  she  gallantly 
took  up  the  burden  which  she  had  inherited.  The 
greater  part  of  his  income  had  passed  away  with  her 
father's  death ;  she  had  to  face  poverty,  the  care 
of  an  invalid  mother,  the  education  of  three  younger 
sisters,  and  her  little  brother  Emilio,  still  a  child. 
In  fulfilling  her  duty,  with  singlehearted  devotion, 
she  found  peace  and  rest  for  her  soul ;  all  her  doubt 
and  uncertainty  vanished,  for  in  the  time  of  trial, 
the  secret  of  her  father's  faith  was  revealed  to  her. 


OLYIiiPIA  MORATA  161 

Henceforth  she  devoted  herself  with  as  much  eager- 
ness to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  and  sacred  Htera- 
ture,  as  she  had  formerly  given  to  the  classics  of  her 
favourite  authors.  A  fragment  of  Greek  verse  has 
been  preserved  from  this  period,  which  shows  her 
change  of  thought. 

The  Crucifix 

"As  in  the  desert,  the  brazen  serpent  raised  on 
high  was  the  means  of  saving  those  who  were  struck 
by  the  poisonous  fangs  of  the  serpent ;  so  the  soul, 
wounded  by  the  darts  of  sin,  finds  healing  and  salva- 
tion in  contemplating  the  Son  of  God  hanging  on  the 
Cross." 

Olympia  was  in  sore  need  of  consolation,  for 
troubles  thickened  around  her,  and  her  situation 
became  more  painful  every  day.  During  the  last 
five  years,  the  one  object  of  Rome  had  been  to  crush 
out  the  faint  beginning  of  the  Protestant  faith  in 
Ferrara.  Not  only  had  the  Morato  family  suffered, 
but  the  few  friends  who  had  remained  true  to  them 
were  included  in  their  condemnation.  Since  his 
last  aUiance  with  the  Pope,  the  Duke  himself  was 
ready  to  help,  and  to  adopt  measures  of  proscription. 

The  first  victim  to  this  persecuting  zeal  was  a 
certain  Fannio  of  Faenza,  in  which  city  he  was 
denounced  by  the  local  inquisitor,  for  having  in  his 
possession  the  Bible  in  ItaUan  and  other  forbidden 
books  ;  and  also,  as  he  himself  confessed,  "  for  having 
preached  to  the  people,  and  endeavoured  to  restore 
the  image  of  God  in  their  souls."  In  that  city  of 
potters,  the  simile  was  well  understood.  Fannio 
was  seized  and  cast  into  prison,  where  he  was  visited 
11 


162  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

by  his  wife  and  his  friends,  whose  tears  and  earnest 
entreaties  so  prevailed  upon  him  that,  in  a  weak 
moment,  he  abjured  his  faith  and  was  set  free.  But 
he  had  scarcely  left  his  prison  before  he  was  overcome 
with  remorse,  and  immediately  set  forth  on  foot 
through  the  towns  of  Romagna,  preaching  the 
doctrines  of  reform  with  more  devotion  and  courage 
than  ever.  It  was  not  long  before  he  was  arrested 
within  the  dominions  of  Ferrara,  laden  with  chains 
and  shut  up  in  the  city  prison,  where  he  was  destined 
to  await  his  sentence  during  a  long  and  cruel  captivity 
of  more  than  eighteen  months,  while  he  was  tried  by 
the  Inquisition  of  Rome,  as  a  relapsed  heretic.  In 
his  dungeon,  he  was  visited  in  secret  by  several 
devoted  disciples  ;  amongst  others  who  listened  to  his 
teaching  were  Lavinia  della  Rovere  who  had  recently 
returned  to  Ferrara  after  a  long  absence,  and  her 
friend  Olympia.  Both  these  ladies  used  their  utmost 
efforts  to  obtain  the  release  of  Fannio,  and  as  we 
have  already  seen,  the  Duchess  Renee  wrote  the  most 
imploring  letters  on  his  behalf,  but  in  vain. 

As  time  passed  on  a  new  interest  came  into  the 
life  of  Olympia.  Amongst  the  foreign  scholars  who 
had  been  attracted  to  the  University  of  Ferrara,  was 
a  young  German  named  Andrew  Grunthler.  He  was 
a  native  of  Schweinfurt  in  Bavaria,  of  honourable 
and  distinguished  talents,  who  although  a  good 
Latin  and  Greek  scholar,  had  especially  devoted 
himself  to  the  study  of  Philosophy  and  Medicine  ; 
he  was  under  the  immediate  tuition  of  the  Professors 
Johann  and  Kilian  Sinapius,  who  took  a  special 
interest  in  him  as  being  fellow  countrymen.  He 
lived  in  their  house  where  he  was  treated  like  a  son, 
and  it  was  through  them  that  he  made  the  acquaint- 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  163 

ance  of  Olympia  Morata,  the  daughter  of  their  oldest 
friend.  His  admiration  of  the  young  girl's  talents 
soon  changed  into  a  deeper  and  more  tender  feeling. 
When  trouble  and  unmerited  disgrace  fell  upon  her 
after  her  father's  death,  his  sympathy  knew  no 
bounds,  and  she  could  not  be  otherwise  than  touched 
and  attracted  by  his  devotion  to  her,  and  the  courage 
with  which  he  defended  her,  and  gladly  accepted  for 
himself  the  hatred  and  affronts  of  the  Court  and 
even  of  the  Duke  himself. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1550,  their  marriage 
was  celebrated  with  the  simple  rites  of  the  Reformed 
Church.  The  Greek  ode  which  Olympia  wrote  on 
this  occasion  has  been  preserved  to  us. 

"  Oh  Almighty  God,  King  of  Kings,  Creator  of 
man  and  woman  ;  Thou  Who  gavest  a  companion  to 
the  first  man,  that  the  race  of  mortals  might  not 
perish  ;  Thou  Who  has  ordained  that  the  fallen  soul 
of  humanity  should  become  the  mystic  bride  of 
Thine  own  Son,  and  that  this  Divine  Son  should  give 
His  life  for  her  ;  Oh,  pour  down  harmony  and  peace 
upon  the  man  and  woman  at  this  moment  united 
before  Thee  !  Thy  law  is  the  nuptial  blessing,  and 
the  hymen  of  eternal  love." 

This  marriage  of  kindred  souls  was  overshadowed 
by  the  dread  of  coming  separation,  for  the  situation 
of  the  Reformers  in  Ferrara  was  becoming  each  day 
more  critical.  The  brothers  Sinapius  and  others 
were  already  preparing  for  departure  to  Germany, 
the  land  of  freedom,  and  Andrew  Grunthler,  having 
obtained  his  degree  of  Doctor  of  Medicine,  felt  that 
his  best  chance  of  making  a  suitable  provision  for 


164  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

his  wife  would  be  in  his  own  country.  He  had 
every  hope  of  becoming  professor  in  one  of  the 
Universities  of  Bavaria,  but  it  was  necessary  that 
he  should  go  first  to  prepare  the  way  ;  and  he  wished 
to  spare  Olympia  the  hardships  of  a  long  journey  in 
winter.  Lavinia  della  Rovere  strongly  urged  this 
plan  upon  him,  and  she  promised  to  watch  over  the 
Morato  family  during  his  absence.  She  had  already 
used  all  her  influence  in  the  endeavour  to  reconcile 
Olympia  with  the  Court  of  Ferrara,  but  failing  in 
this,  she  devoted  herself  to  her  friend  and  the  helpless 
family  with  the  warmest  affection. 

In  the  letters  of  Olympia  to  her  husband,  we  see 
with  what  anxious  love  she  followed  all  the  steps  of 
his  journey  ;  and  her  words  of  tender  aftection  and 
of  resignation  to  the  sorrows  of  absence,  have  a 
curious  note  of  detachment  when  written  in  stately 
Latin.  Her  scholarship  was  so  deeply  ingrained  in 
her  nature,  that  she  seems  to  have  found  her  chief 
consolation  at  this  time  in  writing  a  series  of  Latin 
dialogues,  in  which  she  and  her  friend  Lavinia  discuss 
philosophical  and  religious  questions.  One  of  her 
admirers  remarks  that  they  might  have  been  "  written 
by  a  disciple  of  Plato  beneath  the  groves  of  the 
Academy,  if  they  were  not  raised  to  the  higher  note 
of  Christian  inspiration."  The  Dialogues  are  too 
long  to  quote,  beyond  a  few  words  near  the  end, 
where  we  listen  to  the  enthusiasm  of  faith,  adoration 
and  prayer. 

"...  I  am  the  daughter  of  men,  created  from  the 
dust  .  .  .  born  in  sorrow,  wrapped  in  swaddling- 
clothes,  and  only  kept  alive  with  infinite  care  and 
trouble.     It  is  thus  that  all  the  kings  of  the  earth 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  165 

are  born  ;  for  the  children  of  men  are  all  alike  in 
their  birth  and  their  death.  But  my  earliest  desire 
was  for  the  gift  of  wisdom.  I  valued  it  at  a  higher 
price  than  thrones  and  empires,  than  gold  and  pearls. 
I  loved  it  more  than  beauty,  more  than  life,  and  my 
prayers  were  heard.  A  divine  light  shone  in  the 
darkness  of  my  soul,  and  that  glory  which  cannot 
fade,  takes  for  me  the  place  of  all  worldly  treasures. . . . 
Oh  God,  the  boundless  source  of  mercy  and  love,  give 
me  wisdom,  that  greatest  gift  of  Thy  glory.  Inscribe 
me  in  the  number  of  Thy  servants,  for  to  Thee  alone 
will  I  belong  during  the  few  days  that  Thou  hast 
assigned  to  me  on  earth.  ..." 

While  Olympia  thus  sought  relief  from  her  anxiety, 
the  news  from  Germany  became  more  alarming 
every  day.  The  discontent  aroused  by  the  pro- 
clamation of  the  "  Interim  "  of  Leipzig,  in  November 
1548,  had  borne  deadly  fruit ;  the  Protestant  Princes 
were  in  open  rebellion,  and  we  have  a  curious  account 
by  the  English  Ambassador  of  the  despair  in  Augsburg 
when  the  ministers  were  condemned  to  exile  for 
refusing  to  say  Mass  in  their  reformed  churches. 

"  They  were  compelled  to  leave  the  city,  which 
remained  disconsolate ;  there  were  few  shops  in 
which  people  might  not  be  seen  in  tears  ;  a  hundred 
women  besieged  the  Emperor's  gates,  howling  and 
asking  in  their  outcries  where  they  should  christen 
their  children  and  where  they  should  marry.  .  .  .  For 
all  this  the  Papist  churches  have  no  more  customers 
than  they  had  ;  not  ten  of  the  townsmen  in  some  of 
the  greatest  synagogues.  The  churches  where  the 
Protestants  did  by  thousands  at  once  communicate 


166  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

are  locked  up,  and  the  people  being  robbed  of  all  their 
godly  exercises,  sit  weeping  and  wailing  at  home.'^ 

To  Olympia's  anxiety,  she  heard  that  the  roads 
were  full  of  armed  bands,  and  there  was  no  safety 
for  travellers.  She  scarcely  dared  to  hope  that  it 
would  be  possible  for  her  husband  to  travel  through 
the  cities  of  the  Danube  and  the  Rhine,  and  return 
in  safety  to  Ferrara.  For  a  time,  no  news  reached 
her  even  when  she  wrote  to  her  friends  established 
in  Germany,  and  in  one  of  her  letters  to  Johann 
Sinapius  she  exclaims  :  "  Truly  you  seem  to  remember 
us  no  more  than  if  you  had  already  crossed  the  land 
of  shadows  and  oblivion/' 

But  after  many  months  of  anxiety,  Andrew  Grunth- 
ler  came  back  to  Ferrara,  having  been  received  in 
the  most  flattering  manner,  at  the  various  Universities, 
although  his  hope  of  obtaining  an  appointment  had 
not  yet  been  fulfilled.  It  was  at  length  decided 
that  his  wife  should  accompany  him  to  Augsburg, 
where  George  Hermann,  Councillor  to  the  King  of 
the  Romans,  was  eager  to  offer  them  hospitaUty 
during  their  period  of  suspense. 

In  those  days  when  travel  was  so  difficult  and  slow, 
Olympia  felt  that  in  thus  going  forth  into  distant 
exile,  she  was  losing  the  friends  she  left  behind  as 
though  they  were  taken  from  her  by  death.  Lavinia 
della  Rovere  was  then  at  Parma  with  her  husband, 
but  she  promised  to  watch  over  the  mother  and 
young  sisters  of  her  friend,  as  though  they  were  her 
own  kindred.  As  for  the  boy,  Emilio,  now  eight 
years  old,  Olympia  settled  to  take  him  with  her,  and 
continue  to  devote  herself  to  his  education.  It  was 
in  the  early  days  of  June  that  the  young  wife  took 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  167 

her  last  farewell  of  the  city  which  had  so  long 
been  her  home,  and  of  the  dearly-loved  mother 
and  sisters,  whom  she  was  never  to  meet  again  on 
earth. 

Perhaps  the  saddest  fate  was  for  those  who  were 
left  behind.  We  find  Olympia  writing  later  with 
a  brave  heart : 

"  The  Lord  has  united  me  to  a  husband  who  is 
dearer  to  me  than  life.  I  would  follow  him  with 
assurance  through  the  bleak  and  lonely  wilds  of  the 
Caucasus,  or  the  frozen  regions  of  the  West,  as  I  do 
across  the  passes  of  the  Alps.  Wherever  he  leads  the 
way,  I  will  follow  in  his  steps  with  a  glad  heart.  The 
home  of  man  is  everywhere  beneath  the  sky  !  There 
is  no  distant  shore  unwelcome  to  us,  if  we  can  there 
serve  God  with  liberty  of  conscience."' 

Their  journey  had  led  them  up  the  course  of  the 
river  Adige ;  they  reached  Trent  during  the  excite- 
ment of  the  Council,  and  passed  on  through  the 
valleys  of  the  Tyrol.  They  found  the  environs  of 
Innsbruck  occupied  by  the  Imperial  army,  but  after 
safely  crossing  the  outposts,  they  descended  into 
the  plains  of  Bavaria,  reached  Augsburg  without 
adventure,  and  were  warmly  welcomed  by  the 
venerable  Councillor  of  King  Ferdinand. 

The  great  banking  house  of  the  Fuggers  occupied 
the  same  place  in  the  German  city  which  the  Medici 
filled  in  Florence.  They  were  the  great  patrons  of 
art  and  learning,  and  had  long  been  interested  in 
the  writings  of  Olympia  Morata,  while  the  talents  of 
her  husband  made  a  most  favourable  impression 
upon  them.    During  this  stay  at  Augsburg,  she  had 


168  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

the  satisfaction  of  renewing  her  correspondence  with 
her  father's  old  friend,  Celio  Secundo  Curione,  whose 
friendship  was  a  precious  inheritance  from  the  father 
to  the  daughter.  He  was  at  this  time  Professor  of 
Latin  Literature  in  the  University  of  Basle,  and  he 
was  greatly  touched  and  interested  by  receiving  from 
her  a  full  account  of  her  father's  death,  and  of  the 
troubles  through  which  she  had  passed.  She  also 
sent  him'some  of  her  more  recent  religious  poetry — 
a  Psalm  translated  into  Greek.  He  wrote  her  the 
following  letter  of  thanks  : 

"How  can  I  thank  you,  dear  Olympia,  for  remember- 
ing me  after  an  interval  of  so  many  years,  and  not- 
withstanding the  distance  which  separates  us  ?  No 
one  loved  and  esteemed  your  noble  father,  during  his 
life,  more  than  myself  ;  and  it  is  a  joy  to  me  to  carry 
on  this  affection  to  a  daughter  in  whom  his  talents 
and  his  piety  live  once  more.  Next  to  my  wife  and 
daughters,  there  is  no  one  in  the  world  for  whom  I 
care  more  than  for  you.  I  feel  towards  your  husband 
as  if  he  were  my  own  son-in-law.  God  be  praised 
Who  has  rescued  your  youth  from  the  poisonous 
atmosphere  of  a  Court,  and  Who  has  given  you  that 
liberty  which  is  more  precious  than  gold.  I  have 
read  the  psalm  which  you  have  translated  into  Greek, 
and  I  can  indeed  praise  it.  Heaven  grant  that  you 
may  carry  out  the  same  work  on  a  great  number  ! 
We  should  not  then  envy  Greece  her  Pindar.  Courage, 
my  Olympia,  follow  the  call  of  thy  Muse,  and  crown 
thy  forehead  with  the  sacred  laurel.  .  .  .  Write  to  me 
often  ;  nothing  could  give  me  greater  pleasure.  The 
elegance,  the  charm  and  the  piety  of  thy  letters  have 
given  me  true  delight." 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  169 

This  reply  of  Curione  did  not  reach  Olympia  until 
long  afterwards,  but  it  served  to  bridge  the  abyss  of 
time  and  space  between  the  two  friends,  and  to  renew 
their  warm  sympathy  as  exiles  from  the  same  beloved 
country,  for  the  sake  of  their  religious  faith. 

During  his  stay  at  Augsburg,  Grunthler  was  able 
to  show  his  gratitude  to  his  hospitable  friend,  by 
devoted  care  during  a  serious  illness,  and  it  was  with 
much  regret  on  both  sides  that  he  and  his  wife  took 
their  departure  and  travelled  to  Wiirtzburg,  where 
they  were  welcomed  by  Johann  Sinapius,  who  was 
glad  to  avail  himself  of  the  young  physician's  help, 
while  Olympia  devoted  herself  to  her  literary  pur- 
suits and  to  the  education  of  her  little  brother  Emilio. 
She  kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  with  Ferrara, 
and  was  deeply  interested  in  the  efforts  made  by 
devoted  ladies,  such  as  Lavinia  della  Rovere  and 
her  sister-in-law  Maddalena  Orsini,  to  save  the  life 
of  the  imprisoned  Fannio.  It  needed  no  small 
courage  on  their  part  to  interpose  in  favour  of  a  man 
condemned  by  the  dread  Inquisition  of  Rome. 

In  October  1551,  Andrew  Grunthler  received  an 
invitation  from  his  own  native  city  of  Schweinfurt 
to  accept  a  medical  appointment  to  the  large  garrison 
of  Spanish  troops  stationed  in  the  city.  He  accepted 
it  in  the  hope  of  also  obtaining  a  professorship  in 
the  neighbourhood ;  and  thus  it  was  that  after  five 
months  had  elapsed  since  the  day  she  left  Ferrara, 
Olympia  found  herself  settled  in  this  far-distant  end 
of  Bavaria,  more  than  ever  separated  from  all  her 
friends,  amidst  the  most  uncongenial  surroundings. 


CHAPTEK   XV 

OLYMPiA  MORATA  {continued) 

Life  of  Olympia  Morata  and  her  husband  at  Schweinfurt — Her  literary- 
work  and  education  of  her  brother  EmiHo — Troubles  in  Germany 
concerning  the  "  Interim " — News  of  fresh  persecution  at 
Ferrara — Olympia  translates  some  of  the  Psalms  into  Greek 
verse— >-Her  correspondence  with  Curione — War  in  Germany — 
Albert  of  Brandenburg  seizes  Schweinfurt — The  city  is  besieged 
by  other  great  nobles. 

We  can  scarcely  conceive  a  greater  change  for  Olympia 
Morata  than  her  Hfe  at  Schweinfurt,  in  a  half-bar- 
barous country,  whose  language  never  became  familiar 
to  her  ;  in  a  bleak  ungenial  climate,  so  different  from 
the  sunny  skies  and  radiant  scenery  of  Italy.  Ac- 
customed to  a  brilliant  and  learned  society  where 
her  talents  were  admired  and  appreciated,  she  now 
found  herself  in  obscurity  and  isolation.  But  her 
gallant  spirit  rose  to  the  occasion,  and  before  long, 
she  and  her  husband  were  destined  to  give  a  strong 
proof  of  their  courage  and  constancy. 

The  young  physician  received  from  the  King  of 
the  Romans,  an  offer  of  the  professorship  of  Medicine 
in  the  Academy  of  Lintz,  the  capital  of  Upper  Austria. 
It  was  a  splendid  position,  with  immense  advantages, 
but  there  was  one  drawback  ;  they  would  not  have 
the  privilege  of  professing  openly  their  reformed 
opinions,  as  these  were  enduring  a  severe  persecution 
in  the  orthodox  city  of  Lintz.    It  was  Olympia  herself 

170 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  171 

who  wrote  the  letter  of  refusal,  which  shut  out  all 
hopes  of  their  return  to  a  pleasant  and  congenial  life. 
She  calmly  points  out  that  "  they  are  enrolled  under 
the  banner  of  Christ,  a  Prince  of  so  supreme  a 
majesty  that  He  has  the  right  of  life  and  death 
over  His  subjects.  Wherever  they  may  dwell,  they 
must  openly  confess  their  allegiance,  and  preserve 
intact  the  shield  of  their  faith,  which  is  their  sole 
refuge.  .  .  .  Their  firm  resolution  is  to  remain  faithful 
to  the  doctrines  which  they  have  embraced.  ..." 

They  realised  indeed  what  a  priceless  boon  was 
this  freedom  of  religion,  when  they  saw  from  afar 
how  their  fellow-believers  in  Italy  were  called  upon 
to  seal  with  their  blood,  the  faith  that  was  in  them. 
This  cruel  persecution  made  it  very  difficult  and 
dangerous  for  Olympia  to  receive  any  letters  from 
home,  and  she  writes  to  a  friend  at  Padua  :  "  Fourteen 
long  months  have  passed,  and  I  hear  nothing  of  my 
mother  and  sisters.  All  my  letters  remain  un- 
answered.    Of  your  pity,  tell  me  about  them.  ..." 

When  the  news  arrived  at  last,  she  heard  that  new 
troubles  had  awaited  her  mother  and  sisters  after  her 
departure ;  the  Duke  had  been  unforgiving,  and 
the  ladies  of  the  Court  more  unkind.  Their  only 
support  had  been  the  devotion  of  Lavinia  della 
Rovere,  who  had  taken  the  youngest  sister,  Vittoria, 
to  Rome  with  her,  and  had  found  a  home  for  the 
other  two — one  with  Helena  Rangone  of  Bentivoglio, 
and  the  other  with  a  daughter  of  this  lady  who  was 
married  at  Milan.  This  young  girl  became  later  the 
wife  of  a  young  man  of  noble  birth,  who  showed 
great  kindness  and  attention  to  the  widowed  mother 
Lucrezia  Morata,  who  had  been  left  alone  at  Ferrara. 
At  the  same  time  came  the  sad  account  of  religious 


172  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

persecution  in  Milan,  and  the  final  tragedy  of  Fannio's 
martyrdom,  on  the  accession  of  Pope  Julius  III  in 
1550,  of  which  the  story  has  already  been  told  in  the 
annals  of  Ferrara. 

This  sad  event  dissipated  all  illusive  hopes  of  the 
friends  of  the  Reformation,  and  was  like  a  sentence 
of  final  exile  on  all  who  had  fled  for  their  faith. 
Olympia  writes  to  her  friend  Curione  at  this  time  : 

"  You  advise  us  to  pass  through  Basle,  in  case  we 
return  to  Italy.  Alas  !  it  is  only  too  probable  that 
we  shall  never  take  that  journey.  .  .  .  You  are  well 
aware  of  the  cruel  persecution  carried  on  by  the 
present  Pope,  he  has  his  spies  all  over  Italy  and  is 
deaf  to  all  prayers.  ...  It  would  be  wiser  to  seek  a 
refuge  at  the  extremities  of  the  earth,  than  to  return 
to  a  country  where  we  should  have  so  much  to  suffer. 
.  .  .  No  foreign  city  in  the  world  would  be  more 
agreeable  to  me  than  yours  ;  near  you,  I  should  feel 
as  if  I  were  in  the  midst  of  my  own  people.  And  it 
would  be  nearer  Italy,  so  that  I  could  write  oftener 
to  my  mother  and  sisters  whose  image  is  constantly 
before  my  eyes.  ..." 

She  was  ever  a  most  devoted  daughter,  and  never 
failed  to  send  her  mother  all  that  she  could  possibly 
spare  from  her  small  means,  with  thegreatest  economy. 
We  also  see  her  constant  affection  for  her  home  in 
the  many  letters  preserved  which  she  wrote  to 
Lavinia.  Some  of  the  Dialogues  which  she  sends 
to  her  friend  are  extremely  interesting.  In  one, 
which  is  a  dissertation  on  true  happiness,  "  the 
language  of  antiquity  lends  a  peculiar  grace  to  the 
severe  inspiration  of  Christian  thought.     It  is  the 


OLYMPIA  MOEATA  173 

genius  of  tlie  Renaissance  smiling  at  sorrow."  * 
Lavinia  is  represented  as  Philotima  and  Olympia  as 
her  friend  Theophila,  and  they  discuss  all  the  various 
forms  of  so-called  happiness,  all  that  wealth  and 
luxury  and  splendid  surroundings  can  give. 

**  We  devote  infinite  care  and  thought  on  the 
adornment  of  our  perishable  body,  we  delight  in 
riding  in  a  great  chariot  with  magnificent  spirited 
horses,  in  order  to  pass  over  more  quickly  this  short 
journey  which  is  our  life,  and  do  not  dream  of  taking 
our  place  on  the  chariot  of  faith,  which  alone  can 
carry  us  from  earth  to  Heaven.  We  toil  and  labour 
to  convert  our  tents  of  a  day  into  a  magnificent 
dwelling,  and  we  give  no  thought  to  those  celestial 
halls  whose  beauty  is  beyond  the  dream  of  man.  .  .  . 
Ah,  my  dear  Philotima,  what  blindness  is  ours ! 
And  how  shall  we  ever  find  happiness  if  we  seek  it 
from  earthly  objects  which  can  never  bestow  it  ? 

"  Theophila.  .  .  .  The  greatest  trials  are  easy  to 
accept  when  they  are  of  short  duration.  Now,  is  there 
anything  shorter  than  the  life  of  man  ?  How  many 
Princes  of  our  time  and  illustrious  men  of  our  century 
are  already  laid  in  the  tomb  ?  Even  their  name  is 
buried  in  the  dust,  and  the  world  remembers  them 
no  more  than  if  they  had  never  existed.  So  true  is 
it  that  the  life  of  man,  always  threatened  by  death, 
is  like  unto  a  faint  breath,  a  passing  vapour.  There 
is  no  solid  happiness  here  below,  and  the  soul,  after 
vainly  wearing  itself  out  in  pursuit  of  perishable 
things,  can  only  find  rest  in  God.'' 

"  Philotima.  .  .  .  You  speak  truly,  Oh  Theophila  ! 
and  I  desire  henceforth  to  devote  myself  to  God  alone, 

^  Jules  Bonnet. 


174  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

Wlio  is  the  sovereign  good.  But  the  memories  of  a 
sinful  life  rise  up  between  me  and  Heaven,  and  close 
the  road  which  leads  thither. 

**  Tlieofhila. . . .  Christ  has  opened  the  way  once  more 
by  His  sacrifice,  and  therefore  God  has  given  Heaven 
back  to  us.  Seek  Christ  by  reading  the  Scriptures, 
by  prayer,  by  adoration,  and  you  will  find  Him.  Ask 
for  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  you  will  receive 
at  the  same  time  peace  and  serenity.     Farewell.'' 

This  dialogue  was  written  in  the  second  year  of 
Olympiads  life  at  Schweinfurt.  Besides  her  home 
duties,  her  many  charitable  works  and  her  studies, 
she  found  time  to  carry  on  the  careful  education  of 
her  little  brother  Emilio,  and  with  him  she  taught 
Theodora,  the  daughter  of  Johann  Sinapius.  The 
children  learnt  Latin  and  Greek,  and  made  especial 
study  of  the  works  of  Plutarch,  Virgil  and  Homer, 
for  as  their  devoted  teacher  remarked  in  one  of  her 
letters  :  "  Masters  cannot  teach  their  disciples  every- 
thing, but  they  can  at  least  point  out  to  them  the 
sources  of  wisdom."  To  Sinapius  she  wrote : 
"  Your  little  girl  learns  something  every  day  ;  it 
is  thus  that,  little  by  little,  she  accumulates  her 
treasure." 

But  all  too  soon,  these  delightful  lessons  were 
interrupted,  and  the  little  Theodora  was  recalled 
home  by  the  death  of  her  mother,  the  charming  young 
Italian  lady  of  the  Court  of  Ferrara,  Francesca 
Bucyronia.  She  and  her  husband  had  kept  up  a 
constant  correspondence  with  Calvin  ever  since  his 
visit  to  the  Duchess  Renee  ;  and  now  it  was  the 
sad  duty  of  Johann  to  send  the  great  Reformer  the 
news  of  Francesca's  death. 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  175 

"  Since  tlie  time  when  we  met  and  made  acquaint- 
ance at  the  Court  of  Ferrara,  you  have  given  me  so 
many  tokens  of  your  kind  remembrance,  and  your 
reUgious  teaching  has  been  so  valuable  to  me,  that 
I  must  now  tell  you  of  my  misfortune.  I  have  lost 
her,  that  dear  companion,  so  gentle,  so  faithful  and 
so  holy,  whose  death  has  plunged  me  into  inexpressible 
sorrow.  .  .  .  When  my  wife  was  taken  ill,  I  was  away 
from  Wiirtzburg.  My  return  and  that  of  Theodora — 
her  beloved  daughter,  whom  we  had  confided  to  the 
care  of  a  matron  as  pious  as  she  is  learned,  Olympia 
Morata,  whose  name  is  no  doubt  known  to  you — 
brought  her  some  comfort.  But  alas  !  her  illness 
became  so  much  worse  that  all  hope  vanished.  A 
few  days  after  Pentecost,  she  died  in  my  arms, 
without  struggle  or  agony,  simply  asking  us  to  pray 
for  her.  What  a  faithful  and  tender  friend  I  have 
lost  in  my  Francesca  !  She  gladly  followed  me  to 
Germany,  and  soon  became  familiar  with  the  language 
and  customs  of  this  country.  .  .  .  May  the  God  of 
mercy  and  peace  receive  her  dear  soul  into  the  rest 
of  the  saints  !  " 

Olympia  felt  the  loss  of  her  early  friend  very  deeply, 
and  in  order  to  distract  her  grief,  she  devoted  herself 
to  the  translation  of  more  Psalms  into  Greek  verse, 
which  her  husband  set  to  music.  In  those  wonderful 
hymns  of  the  prophet-king,  who  pours  out  in  song, 
his  fears  and  his  sorrows,  his  hopes  and  his  triumphs — 
she  found  encouragement  and  consolation  in  the 
midst  of  the  storms  which  threatened  on  every 
side,  while  all  Europe  became  a  battle-field  for 
the  mighty  duel  between  the  Reformation  and 
Empire. 


176  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

The  triumphant  cry  of  faith  which  rings  through 
the  centuries : 

*'  Why  do  the  heathen  so  furiously  rage  together ; 
and  why  do  the  people  imagine  a  vain  thing  ? 

"  The  kings  of  the  earth  stand  up  and  the  rulers 
take  counsel  together  ;  against  the  Lord  and  against 
His  anointed.  .  .  . 

"  He  that  dwelleth  in  Heaven  shall  laugh  them  to 
scorn  ;   the  Lord  shall  have  them  in  derision.  .  .  . 

"  Be  wise  now  therefore  0  ye  kings  ;  be  learned 
ye  that  are  judges  of  the  earth/'  ^ 

Perhaps  the  stately  majesty  of  this  2nd  Psalm 
has  never  been  rendered  with  more  vigour  and  beauty 
than  in  the  Greek  ode  of  Olympia.  Again  in  the 
46th  Psalm,  which  inspired  the  courage  of  Luther 
as  he  travelled  to  Worms,  she  found  a  happy  inspira- 
tion in  the  rapid,  impetuous  rhythm  of  Sappho,  as 
she  proclaimed  those  heroic  words  which  raise  the 
spirit  above  all  suffering  and  sorrow. 

"  God  is  our  hope  and  strength,  a  very  present  help 
in  trouble. 

"  Therefore  will  we  not  fear  though  the  earth  be 
moved,  and  though  the  hills  be  carried  into  the  midst 
of  the  sea.  .  .  . 

"  The  Lord  of  hosts  is  with  us  ;  the  God  of  Jacob 
is  our  refuge.''  ^ 

It  was  in  this  labour  of  love  that  Olympia  joined 
the  great  army  of  heroes  and  martyrs — of  saints  and 
sinners, — of  all  the  sad  and  suffering,  who,  through 

*  Carm.  Olym.  Morata,  lib.  ii.  p.  226.       2  /^^^i.,  lib.  ii.  p.  232. 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  177 

the  ages,  have  found  in  the  Psalms  of  David  a  treasure- 
house  of  comfort  and  strength. 

"  With  the  words  of  a  Psalm  on  their  lips,  such 
diverse  characters  as  Polycarp,  Columba,  Hildebrand, 
Bernard,  Francis  of  Assisi,  Huss,  Jerome  of  Prague, 
Columbus,  Henry  V,  Edward  VI,  Ximenes,  Xavier, 
Melanchthon,  Jewell, — breathed  their  last.  In  the 
darkest  hour  of  persecution,  Chrysostom,  Athanasius, 
Savonarola  turned  for  consolation  to  the  Psalms."  * 

Only  a  few  of  the  Psalms  which  Olympia  translated 
into  Greek  have  been  preserved ;  those  which  she 
herself  sent  to  her  friends  and  especially  to  Celio 
Secundo  Curione,  whose  praise  was  to  her  so  great 
an  encouragement.  When  he  wrote  to  thank  her 
for  her  trust  in  him,  he  rejoiced  that  neither  time  nor 
distance  could  change  her  friendship  for  him,  at  the 
same  time  that  he  expressed  his  warm  admiration  for 
her  work. 

But  a  time  of  trial  and  affliction  was  drawing  near 
when  she  would  no  longer  be  able  to  find  consolation 
in  her  pious  and  literary  work.  It  was  on  February 
18,  1546,  that  the  death  of  Luther  had  seemed  to 
give  the  signal  for  those  terrible  civil  wars,  rarely 
broken  by  brief  intervals  of  peace,  which  only  came 
to  an  end  a  century  later  with  the  Peace  of  West- 
phalia. The  great  work  of  the  Reformation  was  to 
be  no  longer  carried  on  solely  with  the  spirit  of  prayer, 
of  devotion,  and  of  sacrifice — but  was  to  enter  into 
the  arena  of  the  battlefield,  where  victory  or  defeat 
would  be  alike  fatal,  in  making  it  subject  to  the  yoke 
either  of  its  foes  or  its  friends.     The  Protestants  of 

1  Dean  Stanley,   "The  Jewish  Church,"  p.  147. 
12 


178  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Germany  had  rebelled  against  the  "Interim/*  which 
had  been  forced  upon  them,  and  many  had  fled  from 
their  homes  rather  than  accept  its  dictates. 

At  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  in  1550,  Maurice  of 
Saxony  had  sent  word  that  he  would  not  submit  to  its 
decisions  on  religion,  unless  the  Protestant  ministers 
were  allowed  to  vote.  When  the  Council  of  Trent 
had  assembled,  the  Emperor  Charles  V  took  up  his 
abode  near  at  Innspruck  that  he  might  watch  the 
progress  of  events,  and  was  so  full  of  confidence  in 
his  security  that  he  had  only  a  small  guard  of  troops. 
He  was  suddenly  startled  with  the  news  that  Maurice 
had  taken  possession  of  Augsburg  and  was  marching 
against  him.  The  Emperor,  who  was  sufiering  from 
a  serious  attack  of  gout,  had  barely  time  to  escape  by 
night  across  the  mountains,  in  frightful  weather, 
before  the  city  was  taken  by  the  German  troops. 

The  Elector  of  Saxony  had  taken  arms,  not  only  to 
secure  freedom  of  conscience  for  the  Protestants,  but 
to  defend  the  liberty  of  the  German  States  and  to 
obtain  the  freedom  of  his  father-in-law  the  Landgrave 
of  Hesse.  He  succeeded  in  all  his  aims,  and  Ferdinand, 
now  King  of  the  Romans,  used  his  influence  to 
arrange  the  Treaty  of  Passau,  which  was  signed  on 
August  2,  1552,  and  being  later  confirmed  by  the 
Peace  of  Augsburg,  seemed  to  guarantee  the  rights 
of  the  German  States  and  to  close  for  ever  the  era  of 
revolution.  But  the  storm  which  had  already  broken 
over  Upper  Germany  and  had  dispersed  the  Council 
of  Trent,  was  about  to  do  its  worst  on  the  hapless 
cities  of  the  Maine. 

Amongst  the  partisans  of  the  Empire  were  some 
hot-headed  princes  who  refused  to  be  bound  by  any 
treaties.     One   of   these   was   the   Margrave   Albert 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  179 

of  Brandenburg,  who  looked  upon  war  as  only  an 
opportunity  for  brigandage.  He  was  a  typical 
instance  of  the  mercenary  warrior  of  the  Middle 
Ages  ;  fierce,  bold  and  cunning  ;  without  faith  or 
law.  He  chose  the  unfortunate  town  of  Schweinfurt 
for  his  stronghold,  whence  he  could  send  forth  his 
lawless  bands  to  ravage  and  rob  the  neighbour- 
hood, on  both  banks  of  the  Maine,  carrying  every- 
where terror  and  desolation.  The  great  nobles  of 
the  country  round,  the  Bishops  of  Wiirtzburg  and 
Bomberg,  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  and  the  Elector 
Maurice,  combined  against  the  brigand  host,  and  laid 
siege  to  Schweinfurt,  having  joined  their  banners  to 
those  of  the  city  of  Nuremberg,  to  crush  this  lawless 
foe  in  the  city  which  he  had  chosen  as  his  refuge. 

Nothing  could  be  more  terrible  than  the  situation 
of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  ;  at  the  mercy  of  a 
brutal  soldiery  within  the  walls,  and  a  determined 
host  outside,  between  whom  nothing  less  than  a  war 
of  extermination  was  raging. 


CHAPTER    XVI 

OLYMPiA  MORATA  {concluded) 

Siege  of  Schweinfurt — The  city  sacked  and  pillaged — Terrible  suffer- 
ings of  Olympia — Her  escape  to  Heidelberg  with  her  husband  and 
brother —  In  her  destitution  and  loss  of  her  library,  generosity  of 
her  friends — The  plague  at  Heidelberg — Devotion  of  Andrew 
Grunthler — Illness  and  death  of  Olympia  Morata — Her  wonderful 
writings — Memorial  hymn  to  her  memory — Death  of  Andrew 
Grunthler  and  the  young  Emilio  Morato, 

The  siege  of  Schweinfurt  began  in  April  1553,  and 
continued  almost  without  intermission  for  fourteen 
months  ;  a  time  of  terrible  and  heart-rending  ex- 
perience for  Olympia  Morata,  her  family  and  friends. 
The  noise  of  the  cannon  continued  night  and  day,  for 
the  walls  of  the  city  were  bombarded  incessantly 
with  the  most  powerful  artillery  of  the  time.  There 
was  no  rest  for  the  citizens  from  constant  anxiety 
and  terror,  for  if  the  attack  on  the  fortifications  gave 
them  any  pause,  bands  of  ferocious  soldiers  paraded 
the  streets,  broke  into  the  carefully  closed  houses, 
and  compelled  the  poor  people — who  had  sought  in 
vain  to  find  a  hiding-place — to  give  them  all  the  food 
and  money  which  still  remained  to  them.  The 
heartless  brigands  jestingly  declared  that  this  was 
only  due  payment  for  the  protection  which  they 
supplied. 

But  even  this  was  not  the  worst ;   for  the  crowding 
of  so  great  a  multitude  within  the  narrow  boundaries 

180 


OLYMPIA  MOEATA  181 

of  the  city,  the  insufficient  and  wretched  food,  com- 
bined with  hopeless  depression  of  mind,  prepared 
the  way  for  the  coming  of  the  plague,  whose  infection 
was  always  at  hand  in  those  mediasval  towns.  This 
awful  disease  spread  like  wildfire,  and  before  long, 
nearly  half  the  inhabitants  were  dead  or  dying,  while 
the  survivors  were  driven  nearly  mad  with  fear  and 
horror. 

But  the  courage  of  Olympia  and  her  husband  never 
failed  in  the  midst  of  these  scenes  of  desolation  ;  the 
young  physician,  with  heroic  devotion,  passed  from 
one  plague- stricken  chamber  to  another,  bearing 
everywhere  with  him  rest  and  healing  for  the  souls 
of  the  dying,  when  it  was  beyond  his  power  to  fight 
the  deadly  scourge,  or  do  more  than  soothe  the  last 
anguish  of  the  poor  human  body.  Only  a  miracle 
could  have  saved  Andrew  from  contagion  under  such 
circumstances,  and  before  long,  he  too  was  laid  upon 
a  bed  of  sickness,  a  victim  to  the  terrible  disease. 
With  marvellous  fortitude,  his  loving  wife  watched 
and  tended  him  night  and  day,  never  losing  hope, 
although  there  seemed  scarcely  a  chance  of  recovery, 
for  by  this  time  even  the  usual  remedies  were  entirely 
exhausted.  But  Olympia's  constant  prayers,  and  the 
intercession  of  the  church  at  Schweinfurt,  were  heard, 
and  the  life  of  Andrew  Grunthler  was  spared. 

By  this  time  the  siege  had  lasted  so  long,  that  the 
people  were  reduced  to  the  last  extremity.  The  walls 
of  the  city  were  still  standing,  but  the  besiegers, 
enraged  at  this  long  defence,  had  sent  for  new  and 
stronger  artillery,  which  battered  the  houses  and 
often  set  them  on  fire,  so  that  they  no  longer  ofi'ered 
a  safe  refuge.  The  besieged  were  reduced  to  such 
straits  that  they  were  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  the 


182  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

underground  cellars,  and  it  was  in  one  of  these  dark 
and  dreary  caves  that  Olympia  with  her  young  brother 
Emilio  and  her  husband,  scarcely  convalescent  from 
his  dangerous  illness,  were  hidden  for  several  weeks, 
and  almost  reduced  to  starvation.  This  is  the 
account  of  their  past  sufferings  which  she  had  already 
given  in  a  letter  to  her  friend,  Lavinia  della  Rovere. 

** .  .  .  When  in  the  course  of  his  arduous  and  de- 
voted labours,  my  beloved  husband  was  seized  with 
the  terrible  disease,  he  rapidly  grew  worse  and  was 
in  such  great  danger  that  there  seemed  no  hope  of 
his  life.  .  .  .  Under  the  heavy  burden  of  all  these 
sufferings,  one  only  consolation  remained  to  us, 
prayer  and  meditation  on  the  Word  of  God.  I  never 
once  turned  my  thoughts  towards  the  land  of  Egypt 
from  which  we  had  taken  our  flight.  Far  better 
would  it  be  for  us  to  perish  under  the  ruins  of  this 
ill-fated  city  than  to  enjoy  all  the  pleasures  of  life  in 
a  land  of  unbelievers.  ..." 

Meantime  the  climax  was  at  hand.  Albert  of 
Brandenburg,  the  bandit  warrior,  had  exhausted  all 
his  resources  in  this  desperate  conflict  which  he  had 
so  boldly  carried  on  against  the  most  powerful  princes 
of  the  Empire.  He  could  no  longer  defend  the 
stronghold  which  threatened  to  become  his  tomb, 
and  he  resolved  to  make  a  desperate  effort  to  escape 
by  night  with  all  his  army.  With  great  skill  and 
bravery,  he  carried  out  this  dangerous  manoeuvre, 
to  the  intense  relief  and  joy  of  the  inhabitants,  who 
hoped  to  receive  pity  and  help  from  their  conquerors. 
But  an  awful  disappointment  awaited  them.  The 
Elector  Maurice  of  Saxony  and  the  Duke  of  Brunswick 


OLY^IPIA  MORATA  183 

had  immediately  hastened  in  pursuit  of  the  brigand 
host — whom  they  were  destined  to  overtake  and 
defeat  on  the  field  of  Siewershausen — while  the 
Bishops  of  Wiirtzburg  and  Bomberg  were  left  to  deal 
with  the  forsaken  city  of  Schweinfurt. 

Cruel  indeed  were  the  tender  mercies  of  these 
noble  churchmen  ;  and  their  barbarity  exceeded  all 
that  had  gone  before.  They  hurled  themselves  with 
their  greedy  followers  upon  the  defenceless  city, 
pillaged  it  with  the  utmost  craft  and  violence,  and 
finally  set  fire  to  it.  The  scenes  which  followed  in 
a  place  thus  taken  by  assault  were  heart-rending 
beyond  all  description.  In  vain  the  terrified  multitude 
pressed  towards  the  gates;  they  were  mercilessly  driven 
back  to  certain  death.  Some  fell  on  their  knees  and 
vainly  implored  mercy  from  the  victorious  barbarians, 
others  found  their  cruel  fate  in  the  shelter  of  their 
desecrated  homes,  while  the  greater  number  appear 
to  have  crowded  to  the  church  as  a  last  refuge. 
Amongst  these  were  Olympia  Morata  with  her 
husband  and  young  brother,  w^ho  were  swept  along 
with  resistless  force  by  the  mass  of  distracted  sufferers 
until  they  had  reached  the  church  door.  Then  a 
strange  thing  happened  ;  through  the  growing  dark- 
ness, an  unknown  soldier  approached  and  implored 
them  to  escape  at  once  lest  they  should  be  buried 
in  the  ashes  of  the  burning  city.  They  instinctively 
obeyed  this  warning,  and  followed  their  mysterious 
guide  who,  taking  them  by  narrow  devious  ways, 
led  them  in  safety  outside  the  walls. 

Already  the  flames  were  rising  up  towards  the  sky, 
the  houses  were  crashing  to  the  ground  with  a  deafen- 
ing noise,  and  the  church  itself  was  not  spared,  for 
the  unfortunate  people  who  had  taken  refuge  there, 


184  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

were  either  suffocated  in  tlie  flames  or  crushed  be- 
neath the  ruins.  In  a  letter  written  in  Italian  to  a 
friend,  Olympia  gives  a  thrilling  account  of  their 
marvellous  escape  from  the  burning  city. 

"  Rejoice  with  us,  dear  Cherubina,  and  return 
thanks  to  God  Who,  in  His  great  mercy  delivered  us 
from  the  perils  to  which  we  have  been  exposed  for 
the  last  fourteen  months.  He  preserved  us  in  the 
time  of  famine,  so  that  we  were  able  to  help  others. 
He  raised  up  my  husband  from  his  bed  of  sickness 
when  the  pestilence  raged  through  the  town  for  seven 
weeks  ;  for  He  had  mercy  on  me  in  my  deep  sorrow, 
when  I  should  have  lost  all  hope  without  the  help  of 
that  Faith  which  pierces  through  the  secrets  of  the 
invisible  world.  .  .  . 

"  You  remember  that  passage  of  Isaiah  .  .  .  '  Fear 
not,  0  Israel,  for  the  Lord  will  be  with  thee  when  thou 
passest  through  the  fire.'  Thus  was  He  with  us  in 
the  midst  of  the  devouring  flames ;  and  this  is  no 
allegory  but  the  simple  truth.  The  princes  of  the 
Empire  and  the  bishops  came  to  besiege  Schweinfurt ; 
day  and  night  the  artillery  attacked  us.  .  .  . 

"  The  city  was  taken  by  treason,  and  against  the 
orders  of  the  Emperor  it  was  pillaged  and  set  on  fire. 
We  escaped  almost  by  a  miracle,  led  by  an  unknown 
soldier.  .  .  .  Twice  my  husband  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemies.  .  .  .  What  was  my  distress  !  And  if 
ever  I  have  prayed  with  all  my  heart,  it  was  then.  I 
cried  to  the  Lord  in  my  agony  :  '  Help  me  !  Help 
me  !  for  the  love  of  Thy  Name  !  '  and  I  never  ceased 
to  pray  until  Andrew  was  restored  to  me.  Could  you 
have  seen  my  dishevelled  hair,  my  clothes  in  rags  .  .  .  , 
my  feet  cut  and  bruised,  for  in  my  flight  I  had  lost 


OLYMPIA  MOEATA  185 

my  shoes  and  we  had  to  escape  along  the  bed  of  the 
river,  over  stones  and  rocks.  ...  At  every  step  I 
cried  :  '  I  cannot  go  on,  I  am  dying.  Lord,  if  Thou 
wilt  save  me,  send  Thine  angels  to  bear  me  on  their 
wings.  .  .  . 

**  It  seems  to  me  impossible  that  I  was  able  to 
travel  ten  miles  that  night.  I  had  been  ill,  I  was 
still  frail  and  suffering,  and  the  terrible  fatigue 
brought  on  a  fever  which  continued  all  that  journey. 
.  .  .  The  Lord  had  piuy  upon  our  distress  .  .  .  after 
many  dangers  and  adventures  we  met  with  kind 
help,  and  at  length  reached  this  city  of  Heidelberg, 
where  my  husband  has  been  made  Professor  of 
Medicine,  and  we  are  in  the  midst  of  friends." 

Then  she  tells  of  the  hospitality  they  received  at 
the  Court  of  the  Count  Eberhard  of  Erpach,  who 
had  risked  both  life  and  fortune  for  the  Reformed 
Faith,  and  whose  wife,  a  sister  of  the  Count  Palatine 
Frederick  II,  joined  him  in  the  warmest  appreciation 
of  the  talents  and  devotion  of  Olympia  Morata.  She 
was  taken  to  the  palace  and  nursed  through  her 
serious  illness  which  followed,  by  the  Princess  herself 
and  her  daughters.  In  the  terrible  disaster  of 
Schweinfurt,  everything  had  been  lost  and  the 
Grunthler  family  were  absolutely  destitute.  But 
most  of  all  Olympia  felt  the  loss  of  the  whole  of  her 
precious  books  which  had  been  brought  with  infinite 
trouble  from  Ferrara.  One  book  only  had  been 
saved  from  the  flames  and  was  found  beneath  the 
ruins  of  her  house  ;  a  volume  of  the  Lives  of  Plutarch, 
which  Johann  Sinapius  bought  and  sent  to  her 
husband,  because  he  had  found  the  name  of  Olympia 
written  on  the  last  page.     Other  friends  were  eager 


186  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

to  replace  some  of  her  treasures,  and  Celio  Secundo 
Curione  writes  to  lier  : 

"If  you  have  lost  all  your  worldly  goods,  my 
beloved  Olympia,  yet  you  must  not  forget  that  you 
still  possess  all  that  is  most  precious ;  your  genius, 
learning,  wisdom,  innocence,  piety  and  faith.  ...  I 
wrote  about  the  books  to  your  husband.  Our  printers 
have  sent  you  in  my  name,  Homer  and  other  classical 
books  as  my  gift.  If  they  are  to  be  found  at  Frank- 
furt, you  shall  have  the  Commentaries  on  the  Lamenta- 
tions of  Jeremiah,  that  you  may  meditate  with  him 
on  the  sorrows  of  your  husband's  unhappy  country. 
We  have  sent  you  all  the  works  of  Sophocles  which 
are  extant,  and  I  trust  that  you  will  now  take  up 
again  your  interrupted  studies,  and  compose  a  noble 
work  worthy  to  obtain  the  sacred  laurel  wreath  which 
you  have  so  long  deserved." 

Her  other  friends  combined  to  replace  to  some 
extent  her  lost  library,  and  she  writes : 

"  Thank  Operinus,  Hervagius,  and  Frobenius  ^  for 
the  gift  which  they  have  bestowed  upon  me  of  so 
many  precious  books  ;  nothing  will  ever  make  me 
forget  their  generosity  towards  me.  .  .  ." 

The  University  of  Heidelberg,  founded  in  the 
fourteenth  century  by  the  Count  Palatine,  was  a 
great  centre  of  learning  and  had  a  magnificent 
library.  The  new-comers  were  so  much  appreciated 
that,  as  we  have  seen,  Andrew  was  appointed  to  be 
Professor  of  Medicine,  and  one  historian  says  that 

1  Famous  publishers  at  Basle. 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  187 

Olympia  was  invited  to  lecture  upon  Greek  literature. 
But  for  her,  the  dreams  of  literary  ambition,  the 
triumphs  of  genius  and  scholarship  were  at  an  end. 
After  all  the  terrible  trials  which  she  had  endured, 
her  failing  health  left  her  scarcely  strength  for  the 
household  duties  which  now,  in  her  poverty,  devolved 
upon  her  in  loving  care  for  her  husband  and  brother, 
as  she  could  not  afford  a  servant. 

About  this  time,  her  friend  Johann  Sinapius  lost 
his  wife  Francesca,  and  was  anxious  to  place  his 
daughterTheodora  once  more  in  the  charge  of  Olympia. 
She  gladly  accepted,  but  ventured  to  ask  that  the 
young  girl  should  bring  her  bed  with  her,  as  they 
had  not  been  able  to  buy  much  furniture.  Yet 
nothing  could  put  a  check  to  her  generosity,  for  she 
sent  help  from  her  poor  savings  to  Schweinfurt,  only 
to  receive  the  reply  :  "  The  poor  women  whom  you 
used  to  visit  at  the  hospital  and  for  whom  you  feel 
so  deeply,  have  disappeared  and  no  one  knows  what 
has  become  of  them_.  ..."  Her  tender  heart  was  full 
of  sympathy  for  other  friends  in  distress.  The 
recent  accession  of  Queen  Mary  in  England  had  driven 
away  the  Reformers  who  had  taken  refuge  there. 
She  wrote  to  her  sister  Vittoria  :  "I  hear  that 
Bernardino  Ochino  of  Siena,  that  pious  and  elo- 
quent man,  has  been  compelled  to  seek  a  refuge  at 
Geneva.  ..."  Peter  Martyr  and  others  had  also 
narrowly  escaped  with  their  lives. 

Above  all,  Olympia  grieved  over  the  cruel  persecu- 
tion of  her  friends  in  Ferrara,  but  she  thanks  God 
that  her  mother  and  sisters  had  remained  firm  in  their 
faith,  and  she  implores  them  to  join  her  in  a  free 
land.  The  sufferings  of  the  Protestants  in  France 
move  her  to  tears,  and  she  writes  an  imploring  letter 


188  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

to  her  former  pupil,  Anna  d'Este,  now  Duchess  of 
Lorraine : 

"  As  the  Lord  has  given  you  the  blessing  of  knowing 
the  truth,  you  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  innocence  of 
the  men  .  .  .  who  are  exposed  to  such  cruel  torments 
for  the  sake  of  Christ.  It  is  your  duty  to  intercede 
for  them  ...  to  implore  their  pardon.  If  you  remain 
silent,  if  you  let  them  suffer  and  die  without  defence, 
you  become  an  accomplice  of  their  persecutors.  I 
know  that  in  pleading  their  cause  you  may  provoke 
the  anger  of  the  King,  that  of  your  husband  and 
the  fury  of  your  enemies.  I  reply  that  it  is  better 
to  offend  men  than  God.  ...  If  God  is  for  us,  who 
can  be  against  us  ?  " 

We  are  thankful  to  know  that  Anna  d'Este  made  a 
noble  response  to  this  appeal,  although  her  plea  of 
intercession  was  raised  in  vain. 

As  her  health  failed,  Olympia  still  occupied  all 
her  spare  time  with  the  education  of  Theodora  and 
her  own  little  brother  Emilio,  who  read  with  her 
Horace,  Virgil,  Cicero  and  Homer,  and  joined  with 
her  in  the  study  of  the  Bible.  He  appears  to  have 
been  a  most  promising  child  with  a  charming  dis- 
position. Her  last  letter  to  Lavinia  della  Rovere 
shows  how  her  thoughts  dwelt  upon  the  instability 
of  earthly  things. 

"  Believe  me  dear  Lavinia,  that  no  one  can  escape 
troubles  who  lives  a  holy  life.  We  are  strangers  and 
pilgrims  upon  this  earth.  .  .  .  The  adversary  of  our 
souls,  as  the  poet  puts  it,  follows  the  sailor  on  his 
ship  and  rides  behind  the  horseman.     We  must  pray 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  189 

without  ceasing  that  we  fall  not  in  the  conflict,  and 
that  we  may  obtain  the  crown  of  life.  .  .  .  War  is 
raging  on  every  side  and  the  saints  are  exposed  to  a 
thousand  tribulations.  .  .  .  But  their  trials  should 
fill  them  with  joy,  because  they  foretell  the  day,  so 
glorious  and  so  near,  when  they  will  enjoy  together 
the  bliss  of  Heaven.  Here  below,  our  souls  only 
meet  in  letters,  and  behold  each  other  in  the  spirit. 
The  semblance  of  this  world  is  passing  away  \  .  .  ." 

In  the  beginning  of  the  summer  of  1555,  the  plague 
broke  out  in  Heidelberg,  and  there  were  many 
victims.  Notwithstanding  Olympia's  failing  health, 
her  husband  was  constantly  called  away  from  her 
bed  of  sickness,  and  in  her  brave  unselfishness,  she 
would  not  have  it  otherwise.  In  July  her  life  was 
despaired  of,  although  her  friends  at  a  distance  could 
not  believe  that  this  brilliant  scholar  whom  they 
remembered  so  full  of  life  and  radiance  could  be 
taken  from  them  before  she  had  reached  her  prime  ; 
she  was  not  yet  twenty-nine.  The  touching  story  of 
her  last  moments  is  told  by  her  husband  in  a  letter 
to  her  devoted  and  life-long  friend  Curione. 

"She  passed  away  with  eager  joy  as  though  she 
already  beheld  the  glorious  realities  of  the  heaven 
she  was  about  to  enter.  .  .  .  Not  long  before  her  death, 
she  awoke  from  a  short  slumber,  and  smiled  with  a 
mysterious  air,  as  though  she  were  ravished  by  some 
ineffable  thought.  I  drew  near  and  asked  her  why 
she  smiled  so  happily.  '  I  saw  in  my  dream,'  she 
said,  '  a  place  filled  with  the  most  pure  and  beautiful 
light  .  .  .'  she  could  say  no  more  from  weakness. 
'  Courage,  my  beloved/  said  I ;   '  you  will  soon  dwell 


190  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

in  that  perfect  light/  She  smiled  again,  and  gave 
a  sign  of  assent.  A  little  later,  she  said :  *  I  am 
happy,  absolutely  happy/  Then  after  awhile,  as 
her  sight  grew  dim,  she  whispered  :  '  I  scarcely  see 
you,  but  all  around  me  there  are  beautiful  flowers/ 
Those  were  her  last  words.  An  instant  later,  she 
seemed  overcome  by  peaceful  sleep  and  breathed  out 
her  spirit.  ..." 

This  was  on  November  7,  1555.  Her  husband 
was  broken-hearted  at  the  loss  of  his  gallant,  un- 
daunted companion  who  had  been  his  support  and 
comfort  throughout  all  his  trials.  All  the  letters  of 
her  friends  bore  the  noblest  testimony  to  her  splendid 
character.  They  are  too  long  and  numerous  to 
quote,  but  a  few  words  from  one  written  by  Curione 
to  the  bereaved  mother  at  Ferrara,  show  the  high 
estimation  in  which  she  was  held. 

"  Our  Olympia  is  not  dead  ;  she  rests  from  her 
labours  in  a  blessed  and  immortal  life.  She  lives  in 
Paradise,  and  she  lives  also  here  below  in  our  hearts 
and  in  the  memory  of  those  who  know  her  beautiful 
works,  those  wonderful  monuments  of  her  exquisite 
talent.  .  .  .'' 

By  a  strange  fatality,  her  husband  did  not  long 
survive  her.  The  plague  continued  its  ravages  at 
Heidelberg.  The  University  was  closed,  and  the 
city  was  almost  deserted  ;  yet  Andrew  Grunthler 
visited  the  survivors  with  constant  and  devoted  care, 
until  he  too  was  stricken  down  with  the  deadly 
infection  for  the  second  time.  He  passed  away  on 
December  22,  the  month  after  his  wife's  death,  with 
the  words  of  the  42nd  Psalm  on  his  lips : 


OLYMPIA  MORATA  191 

**  Like  as  the  hart  desireth  the  water-brooks,  so 
longeth  my  soul  after  Thee,  0  God. 

**  My  soul  is  athirst  for  God,  yea  even  for  the  living 
God  ;  when  shall  I  come  to  appear  before  the  presence 
of  God  ?  " 

The  boy  Emilio  was  to  have  been  sent  to  the  loving 
care  of  Curione,  "  in  order  that  he  might  be  so  taught 
as  to  emulate  the  reputation  of  the  sister  by  whom 
alone  he  had  hitherto  been  educated."  But  another 
fate  was  in  store  for  him  ;  already  weak  and  suffering 
in  health,  he  fell  a  victim  to  the  dread  disease  which 
had  carried  off  his  brother-in-law,  whom  he  shortly 
followed  to  the  grave.  The  three  who  had  been  so 
united  in  life  were  buried  in  the  same  grave,  in  a 
chapel  of  the  Cathedral  of  Heidelberg,  where  the 
touching  inscription  to  their  memory  may  still  be  seen. 

Amongst  the  many  appreciations  of  her  friends, 
one  of  the  most  interesting  is  the  following  memorial 
hymn  in  her  honour,  by  Celio  Secundo  Curione. 

"  Knowest  thou  why  this  spot  is  laden  with  flowers 
and  breathes  forth  the  perfume  of  violets  and  lilies  ? 
Listen,  and  I  will  tell  thee.  Remember  the  three 
Graces  and  the  nine  Muses,  so  famous  in  the  poems  of 
antiquity,  by  all  that  nature  and  art  can  combine  to 
add  to  their  glory.  She  who,  by  a  pious  illusion,  is 
supposed  to  sleep  within  this  tomb,  deserves  to  be 
known  as  the  tenth  Muse  and  the  fourth  Grace. 
Daughter  of  heaven  by  her  poetry,  she  received  the 
name  of  Olympia.  Fulvia  was  her  second  name 
because,  tested  in  the  crucible  of  misfortune,  she  was 
found  purer  than  gold ;  or  because,  following  the 
example  of  the  eagle  living  in  the  regions  of  light. 


192  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

she  early  took  her  flight  from  here  below.  Finally 
her  splendid  talents,  combined  with  a  most  noble  and 
holy  life,  made  her  worthy  of  the  surname  of  Morata. 

"  Christ,  her  great  Master,  only  suffered  her  to 
appear  upon  earth  for  a  brief  instant,  and  she  had 
scarcely  suffered  the  pains  of  exile  before  He  called 
her  back  to  Heaven.  She  has  entered  into  her  rest 
and  tastes  the  bliss  of  eternal  felicity. 

**  Passer-by,  whoever  thou  art,  may  est  thou  live 
longer  days  upon  this  earth,  showing  forth  those 
virtues  which  will  make  thee  happy  for  ever  !  " 


CHAPTER    XVII 

CELIO   SECUNDO   CURIONE 

Life  of  Celio  Secundo  Curione — At  the  University  of  Turin — Adopts 
the  reformed  opinions — Taken  prisoner  on  his  way  to  Germany — 
Sent  to  a  monastery — His  escape  to  Milan — Life  at  Casale,  at 
Pavia,  and  Ferrara — Friendship  with  the  Morato  family — Com- 
pelled to  seek  refuge  at  Lausanne,  by  persecution — Works  of 
Curione — His  splendid  talent  and  scholarship — His  family — 
Tragic  losses — Death  of  Curione,  1569. 

In  the  memoir  of  Olympia  Morata,  we  have  so  often 
had  occasion  to  allude  to  her  most  intimate  friend, 
Celio  Secundo  Curione,  that  it  seems  an  appropriate 
moment  to  tell  the  story  of  his  life. 

This  distinguished  Italian  Reformer  was  born  at 
Turin  in  the  year  1503,  and  he  was  the  youngest  of 
twenty-three  children,  many  of  whom  died  in  early 
life.  His  father,  Jacomino  Roterio  Curione,  was  of 
noble  birth,  and  his  mother,  Carlotta  de  Montroher, 
was  sister  of  the  French  Master  of  the  Horse.  The 
family  name  was  derived  from  an  ancient  castle 
which  was  handed  down  from  distinguished  ancestors. 
Carlotta  had  been  Lady  in  Waiting  to  the  Duchess 
Bianca  of  Savoy,  a  daughter  of  the  House  of  Monte- 
feltro  and  wife  of  the  young  Duke  Carlo. 

Celio  was  only  nine  years  old  when  he  was  deprived 

of  his  parents,  and  besides  his  inheritance  shared 

with  the  surviving  two  brothers  and  two  sisters,  his 

father  left  him  the  Curione  home  and  surrounding 

13  193 


194  ITALIAN  EEFOKMATION 

farms.    He  also  gave  to  this  favourite  child,  a  beauti- 
ful MS.   copy  of  the  Scriptures,   illuniinated  with 
miniatures  on  fine  parchment,  which  in  later  years 
was  to  be  his  greatest   treasure.     The  boy   early 
showed  great  intellectual  promise,  and  his  earliest 
teaching  was  at  a  small  grammar  school,  where  he 
so  much  distinguished  himself  that  his  relations  sent 
him  to  continue  his  studies  at  the  University,  where 
Erasmus  had  recently,   in  1506,   taken  his  degree. 
Living  in  the  house  of  his  aunt  Maddalena,  he  at- 
tended the  lectures  of  all  the  great  scholars  of  the 
time,    such  as   Dominico  Macaro,  Giovanni  Brema 
and  Giorgio  Carrara,  poets,  historians  and  orators. 
He  also  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  Civil  Law, 
under  the  teaching  of  Francesco  Sfodrato,  of  Milan. 
At  this  period,  the  idea  of  reform  was  in  the  air, 
and  it  is  not  strange  that  the  eager  young  scholar 
had  a  strong  desire  to  hear  all  about  the  new  doctrines, 
which  in  the  Augustinian  convent  where  he  had  taken 
up  his  abode,  were  condemned  as  heretical  and  untrue. 
He  first  became  acquainted  with  Luther's  book  on 
"  Indulgences,''  then  his  "  Babylonish  Captivity,"  and 
also  read  Ulrich  Zwingle's  "De  vera  et  falsa  religio," 
and    several  works   by  Melanchthon.     He  was    en- 
couraged in  this  study  by  one  of  the  monks,  Girolamo 
Negri,  who  if  not  in  any  sense  a  Protestant,  was  yet 
most  desirous  of  the  internal  reform  of  the  Church. 

Celio  was  so  much  impressed  by  his  reading  that 
he  resolved  to  go  to  Germany  and  there  learn  more 
on  these  interesting  subjects  from  the  teaching  of 
Erasmus  and  Melanchthon  themselves.  Two  of  his 
young  friends,  Francesco  Guarini  and  Giacomo 
Camillo  (who  later  became  ministers  of  the  Keformed 
Church),  were  eager  to  join  him,  and  the  three  young 


CELIO  SECUNDO  CURIONE  195 

men,  all  under  twenty,  were  full  of  higli  spirits  at 
the  thought  of  their  pilgrimage  over  the  Alps.  They 
made  no  secret  of  their  intentions  and  seem  to  have 
talked  so  imprudently  on  religious  subjects,  that 
they  were  arrested  on  the  way  by  order  of  Boniface 
the  Cardinal  Bishop  of  Ivrea,  who  caused  them  to  be 
imprisoned  in  separate  dungeons.  For  two  long 
months,  young  Curione  was  confined  in  the  castle  of 
Capranio,  and  was  only  released  through  the  inter- 
cession of  his  relations.  On  making  his  acquaintance, 
the  Cardinal  was  so  much  interested  in  the  brilliant 
scholar,  that  he  offered  to  assist  him  in  his  future 
studies,  and  for  this  purpose  and  also  to  confirm  the 
youth  in  the  orthodox  faith,  he  placed  him  in  the 
neighbouring  Priory  of  St.  Benigno. 

The  Cardinal  could  not  have  sent  Curione  to  a  worse 
place  for  his  purpose,  as  the  monks  were  entirely 
given  over  to  superstition  and  were  proud  of  possessing 
relics  and  bones  of  saints,  to  which  people  crowded 
for  miraculous  cures.  Celio  Curione  could  not  believe 
in  these,  and  he  openly  expressed  his  opinions  to  his 
companions.  He  went  still  farther,  and  one  day  took 
an  opportunity  of  opening  a  box  of  relics  on  the  altar, 
and  put  a  copy  of  the  Bible  in  their  place  with  this 
inscription  :  "  This  is  the  ark  of  the  Covenant,  which 
contains  the  genuine  oracles  of  God,  and  the  true 
relics  of  the  saints." 

The  box  was  adored  as  usual  until,  on  a  solemn 
festival,  it  was  opened,  and  when  the  discovery  was 
made,  suspicion  fell  upon  Curione,  who  fled  and  made 
his  escape  to  Milan,  and  thence  to  Rome,  which  he 
had  always  desired  to  visit.  After  a  time  he  returned 
to  Milan  where  he  made  many  influential  friends, 
and  found  employment  in  teaching  the  classics,  both 


196  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

in  that  city  and  at  Pavia.  All  this  neighbourhood 
had  recently  been  ravaged  by  war,  which  brought 
famine  and  plague  in  its  train  ;  and  when  others 
fled  from  the  danger,  the  young  scholar  had  the 
opportunity  of  showing  quite  heroic  devotion  in 
nursing  the  sick  and  destitute,  and  helping  them 
with  all  that  he  possessed.  This  generous  conduct 
attracted  the  attention  of  a  noble  family  of  the 
name  Isacchi,  who  invited  him  with  friendly  hos- 
pitality to  their  villa  outside  the  walls,  where  later 
he  married  the  daughter,  Margherita. 

Not  long  after  this,  he  was  fortunate  in  obtaining 
an  invitation  from  the  old  Bishop  Giovanni  Giorgio, 
who,  on  the  death  of  his  young  nephew,  had  become 
Marquis  of  Monferrato,  and  who  now  offered  him 
interesting  literary  occupation  and  a  quiet  home  in 
his  capital  of  Casale  Monferrato,  beautifully  situated 
on  the  river  Po,  between  Pavia  and  Turin.  The 
Marquis  was  old  and  infirm,  but  he  must  have  been 
a  man  of  broad  views  in  religion,  to  become  an 
intimate  friend  of  young  Curione.  It  was  probably 
with  some  reluctance  that  Giovanni  Giorgio  was 
induced  by  the  Emperor  to  marry  the  rejected  bride 
of  the  Duke  of  Mantua,  the  Infanta  Giulia  d'Aragona. 
In  April  1533,  this  marriage  was  celebrated  at  Ferrara 
with  great  solemnity,  but  when  the  bride  reached 
Casale  on  the  21st,  the  poor  old  Marquis  was  confined 
to  his  bed  with  illness,  and  died  within  a  week.  The 
wife  of  the  young  Duke  Federico  of  Mantua,  Mar- 
gherita Paleologa,  was  the  next  heir  to  Monferrato, 
which  was  soon  annexed  to  Mantua. 

These  changes  may  have  induced  Curione  to  leave 
Casale,  and  lay  claim  to  his  patrimony,  now  that 
both  his  brothers  were  dead.    But  one  of  his  sisters 


CELIO  SECUNDO  CUEIONE  197 

and  her  husband  had  already  taken  possession  of  it, 
and  they  at  once  brought  a  suit  against  him  for 
heresy.  Driven  out  of  Italy,  he  withdrew  to  Mon- 
calieri,  in  the  dominions  of  Savoy,  where  he  had  some 
property,  and  could  also  obtain  various  educational 
work.  He  happened  to  be  in  Turin  one  day  when  a 
Dominican  monk  was  preaching  against  the  Lu- 
therans, accusing  them  of  the  most  hateful  vices, 
and  in  order  to  prove  this,  giving  false  quotations 
from  a  book  of  Luther's.  Celio  Curione  obtained 
permission  to  answer  these  accusations,  and  he  read 
out  from  the  "  Commentary  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Ga- 
latians  "  enough  to  prove  their  falsehood.  The  con- 
gregation were  so  indignant  that  they  drove  the 
friar  out  of  the  city. 

The  Inquisition  of  Turin  at  once  ordered  Curione 
to  be  arrested  ;  his  home  was  pillaged  and  destroyed 
and  he  was  shut  fast  in  prison,  but  with  great  skill 
and  ingenuity,  he  contrived  to  escape.  His  friends 
at  Pa  via  received  him  with  joy  and  made  him  a 
professor  in  the  University,  where  for  three  years 
he  was  protected  from  the  Inquisition  by  a  strong 
guard  of  students.  Not  until  the  Pope  threatened 
the  town  with  excommunication  did  he  retire  to 
Venice,  and  later  to  Ferrara.  Here  he  was  most 
kindly  received  by  the  Duchess  Eenee,  and  warmly 
welcomed  by  his  old  friend,  Fulvio  Pellegrino  Morato, 
whose  acquaintance  he  had  made  some  years  before, 
during  his  travels,  when  he  stayed  at  Verceil  in 
Piedmont. 

These  two  men  were  drawn  together  by  a  similarity 
of  tastes  and  studies,  to  which  was  soon  added  a 
warmer  sympathy  in  their  devotion  to  the  Reformed 
Faith.     Thus  there  grew  between  them  a  warm  and 


198  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

intimate  affection  which  was  only  destined  to  be 
severed  by  death.  A  most  interesting  correspondence 
between  these  two  distinguished  scholars  has  been 
preserved,  in  which,  unshaken  by  all  the  terrible 
events  which  took  place  around  them,  they  calmly 
discuss  literature,  art  and  science.  Now  it  is  a 
dissertation  on  the  authenticity  of  a  work  attributed 
to  Cicero  ;  then  a  description  of  the  route  across 
nameless  sea  and  land,  undertaken  by  the  genius  of 
Vasco  de  Gama.  Curione  points  out  the  stopping 
places  in  the  immense  itinerary  which  divides  Lusi- 
tania  from  the  Indies  ;  he  measures  the  distance  and 
exclaims  : 

"  What  names  have  appeared  and  disappeared  one 
after  another  on  those  shores  !  What  changes  the 
centuries  bear  onwards  in  their  majestic  flood ! 
Empires  and  nations  fade  away  with  even  their 
names.  How  many  nations  and  cities,  once  flourish- 
ing, to-day  cover  the  earth  with  their  dust !  The 
spectacle  of  so  many  accumulated  ruins  should  excite 
us  to  continue  our  course  towards  the  Heavenly 
Jerusalem,  that  enduring  and  eternal  kingdom,  where 
we  shall  inherit  true  riches  and  true  felicity." 

During  the  close  intimacy  of  the  two  friends  for 
a  whole  year  in  Ferrara,  it  was  the  younger  man, 
Celio,  who  took  the  lead  in  pointing  out  the  Reformed 
doctrines  which  he  had  so  earnestly  studied.  When 
the  angry  suspicions  of  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  made 
it  unsafe  for  him  to  remain  longer  in  the  city,  and  he 
had  accepted  an  invitation  to  Lucca,  Morato  wrote 
to  him  : 

"  Never  have  I  felt  such  grief  as  now,  at  your 


CELIO  SECUNDO  CURIONE  199 

departure  from  ns ;  it  is  as  if  my  human  body  had 
lost  its  soul.  Formerly  I  only  read,  or  turned  over 
at  my  leisure,  certain  pages  of  St.  Paul  or  of  St.  John, 
or  some  other  portion  of  the  Holy  Scriptures — and 
that  was  all.  It  was  your  voice  alone,  my  dear 
Celio,  which  found  the  way  to  my  heart.  The  light 
which  shone  forth  from  your  words  showed  to  me 
the  way  of  salvation.  As  I  look  back  upon  the  dark 
shadows  in  which  I  dwelt,  I  see  how  you  brought 
radiance  around  my  path,  so  that  it  is  no  longer  I 
who  live,  but  Christ  Who  lives  in  me.  .  .  .'' 

The  other  members  of  his  household  felt  the  same 
change,  and  lamented  the  loss  of  their  "  divine 
teacher  "  ;  and  although  the  full  awakening  of  Olympia 
Morata  was  delayed  for  some  time,  yet  she  always 
remembered  her  father's  friend  Celio  Curione,  with 
the  deepest  admiration  and  affection,  and  as  we  have 
seen,  their  friendship  endured  to  the  end. 

Curione  was  welcomed  by  the  Reformers  of  Lucca, 
and  was  even  appointed  Professor  at  the  University  ; 
but  before  the  end  of  the  year,  the  Pope  sent  a 
command  that  he  should  be  arrested  and  tried  on 
the  charge  of  heresy  in  Rome.  Feeling  that  he  would 
not  be  suffered  to  rest  in  Italy,  he  turned  his  steps 
towards  Germany  by  way  of  Zurich,  and  reached 
Lausanne,  where  he  was  raised  to  the  important  post 
of  Rector  in  the  University. 

He  had  left  his  wife  Margherita  and  his  children 
at  Lucca,  and  when  he  returned  to  fetch  them  he 
had  a  very  narrow  escape  from  arrest.  But  his 
wonderful  courage  and  presence  of  mind  saved  him 
from  the  officials  of  the  Inquisition,  and  he  made  a 
quiet   home   at  Lausanne  for  the  next  four  years. 


200  ITALIAN  EEFOEMATION 

In  the  year  1547,  his  fame  had  spread  in  all 
directions,  and  he  was  invited  to  Basle  and  ap- 
pointed to  the  Chair  of  Roman  Eloquence  in  that 
city.  Pupils  flocked  to  hear  him  from  distant 
countries,  and  the  Prince  Palatine  sent  his  son  to  be 
taught  by  him.  He  refused  offers  from  Kings  and 
Princes  ;  the  Emperor  Maximilian  II  invited  him  to 
the  University  of  Vienna,  Vaivod  King  of  Tran- 
sylvania invited  him  to  Weissemburg,  and  the  Duke 
of  Savoy  offered  him  a  post  at  Turin.  Even  the 
Pope  made  splendid  offers  to  win  him  back,  but  he 
remained  firm  to  his  faith,  and  lived  in  Basle  the  rest 
of  his  life,  twenty-two  years. 

Amongst  his  pupils  were  many  distinguished 
scholars,  amongst  whom  was  the  famous  Basil 
Amberbachio,  and  two  sons  of  BuUinger,  Henry  and 
Johann,  and  a  young  Polish  noble  Abraham  Sbaski. 
The  special  subjects  in  which  Curione  was  most 
successful  were  History,  Philosophy  and  Theology, 
in  which  his  chief  work  was  "De  Amplitudine  regni 
Dei.'"  In  this  book  he  gives  full  scope  to  his  eager 
hope  and  enthusiasm. 

"  The  Kingdom  of  God  will  prevail  and  spread 
throughout  the  earth.  Christ  is  the  Prince  of  our 
fortified  city  and  its  three  towers  are  Faith,  Hope  and 
Charity.  The  joyful  sound  of  the  Gospel  has  in  our 
own  day  reached  the  Scythians,  Thracians,  Indians 
and  Africans.  Christ,  the  King  of  kings,  has  taken 
possession  of  Rhoetia  and  Helvetia  ;  Germany  is 
under  his  protection ;  he  has  reigned  and  will  again 
reign  in  England.  He  sways  his  sceptre  over  Denmark 
and  the  Cymbrian  nations,  Prussia  is  his ;  Poland 
and  the  whole  of  Sarmatia  are  on  the  point  of  yielding 


CELIO  SECUNDO  CURIONE  201 

to  Mm  ;  he  is  pressing  forward  to  Pannonia,  Muscovy 
looks  toward  him  ;  he  beckons  the  kingdom  of  France 
to  his  feet ;  Italy,  our  native  country,  is  travailing 
in  birth,  and  Spain  will  soon  follow.  Even  the  Jews 
are  no  longer  averse  to  Christianity,  since  they  see 
that  we  acknowledge  one  God,  the  Creator  of  Heaven 
and  earth  .  .  .  that  we  worship  neither  images,  nor 
symbols,  nor  pictures  .  .  .  and  that  we  acknowledge 
that  we  received  Christ  from  their  Jewish  race.  .  .  ." 

History  has  told  us  how  much  and  how  little  these 
eager  hopes  were  realized  !  But  Curione's  fame  rests 
not  only  on  his  printed  works.  His  letters  are  ex- 
tremely interesting  and  of  these  a  great  number 
still  remain  in  manuscript  within  the  University  of 
Basle.  There  are  some  which  he  wrote  to  our  Queen 
Elizabeth,  on  whom  all  the  hopes  of  the  Protestants 
in  Europe  were  fixed,  and  when  he  edited  the  works 
of  Olympia  Morata,  he  dedicated  them  to  the  Queen 
of  England.  Melanchthon  was  a  great  admirer  of 
Celio  Curione,  and  wrote  thus  to  him : 

"  Language  is  a  picture  of  the  mind  ;  when  I 
read  your  writings  I  thought  most  highly  of  their 
noble  style,  and  felt  that  to  you  might  be  applied 
those  words  of  Homer  :  '  Wise  is  thy  voice  and  noble 
is  thy  heart.'  Before  I  knew  you,  I  loved  you  .  .  . 
and  now  still  more  for  the  piety  and  constancy  with 
which  you  have  suffered  for  your  open  confession  of 
the  truth.  .  .  ." 

This  was  the  beginning  of  a  long  and  interesting 
correspondence  between  these  two  learned  men. 
Curione  and  his  wife  Margherita  had  a  large  family 


202  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

and  the  training  and  education  of  their  promising 
children  was  a  constant  delight  to  them.  The  eldest 
son  Horatio,  was  born  in  1534  ;  he  was  sent  to 
continue  his  studies  in  Italy  and  distinguished  himself 
at  the  University  of  Pisa,  where  he  took  his  degree  in 
Philosophy  and  Medicine  at  the  early  age  of  twenty. 
He  went  to  Constantinople  on  a  religious  mission, 
in  which  his  medical  knowledge  was  of  great  assistance 
to  him,  but  unfortunately  the  climate  did  not  suit 
him  and  he  died  of  fever  before  his  thirtieth  year, 
in  1564. 

The  eldest  daughter,  Violante,  born  in  1541,  was 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  accomplished  members 
of  the  gifted  family.  She  was  married  to  the  famous 
Girolamo  Zanchi  of  Bergamo,  who  had  an  eventful 
and  interesting  career.  He  was  the  son  of  Francesco 
Zanchi  and  was  born  at  Alzano  ;  and  in  early  life 
joined  the  Order  of  Regular  Canons.  He  was  an 
ardent  student  of  Theology,  and  his  meeting  with 
Peter  Martyr  at  Lucca  turned  him  to  the  study  of 
the  Reformed  doctrines  ;  he  followed  his  teacher  in 
his  flight  from  Lucca,  passing  through  the  Orisons 
and  from  thence  to  Geneva.  His  fame  spread  later 
to  Strasburg,  where  he  was  invited  to  be  Professor 
of  Theology  and  Philosophy.  Here  he  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Celio  Curione,  and  soon  after  married 
Violante,  his  eldest  and  most  talented  daughter.  It 
was  a  very  happy  marriage,  as  husband  and  wife 
had  similar  faith  and  the  same  interest  in  literary 
pursuits  ;  but  it  was  of  short  duration.  Three  years 
after,  at  the  age  of  twenty-three,  just  after  her 
friend  Olympia  Morata  had  passed  away,  Violante 
died  in  the  same  perfect  hope  and  joyful  confidence. 
Her  loss  was  a  terrible  grief  to  her  father  and  mother, 


CELIO  SECUNDO  CUEIONE  203 

who  were  destined  to  suffer  still  more  painful  bereave- 
ment within  a  few  years. 

The  third  daughter  Angela,  was  born  at  Lausanne 
in  1546,  and  was  only  eighteen  when  she  fell  a  victim 
to  the  awful  plague  which  laid  waste  the  city  of  Basle 
in  1564.  Of  her,  we  have  a  most  touching  description 
in  a  letter  which  Curione  wrote  to  his  son  Agostino, 
who  was  then  continuing  his  studies  in  Italy,  and 
was  already  distinguished  for  his  proficiency  in  the 
art  of  Rhetoric.  After  dwelling  upon  the  last  sad 
scene,  the  bereaved  father  continues  : 

"  Her  greatest  delight  was  in  acquiring  knowledge 
.  .  .  which  her  intelligence  and  wonderful  memory 
made  easy  to  her.  She  understood  four  languages, 
Latin,  Italian,  French  and  German,  and  she  could 
write  and  speak  them  all  with  the  utmost  facility. 
She  had  read  through  the  New  Testament  seven 
times  .  .  .  she  also  read  many  other  books  of  learned 
and  classical  literature.  .  .  .  She  was  a  great  help  to 
me  in  the  collation  of  manuscripts,  for  the  right 
understanding  of  Latin  authors,  and  she  constantly 
read  aloud  to  save  fatigue  to  my  eyes.  .  .  .  She  was  of 
a  lively  disposition,  most  gentle  and  pleasing  in  the 
society  of  friends  whom  she  charmed  by  her  wit  and 
brightness,  and  her  ready  talent  in  relating  anecdotes 
and  stories.  She  was  so  full  of  charity  that  she 
never  said  an  unkmd  word,  and  always  put  a 
favourable  construction  on  the  speech  and  action  of 
others.  ..." 

Then  with  loving  persistence,  Curione  dwells  upon 
the  domestic  and  household  gifts  of  his  beloved 
daughter,  and  seems  to  find  a  kind  of  consolation  in 


204  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

reflecting  upon  the  beauty  of  her  character  and  all 
her  charms  of  person  and  mind. 

The  terrible  plague  still  continued,  and  4,000  people 
are  said  to  have  died  in  the  city  of  Basle  and  as 
many  in  the  country  round.  It  was  only  nine  days 
after  the  death  of  Angela,  when  the  next  sister,  Celia, 
who  was  only  seventeen,  began  to  show  symptoms 
of  the  same  illness.  It  seems  too  overwhelming  to 
be  true,  and  as  though,  never  since  the  days  of  Job, 
had  losses  followed  in  such  awful  succession — but 
Celia  had  scarcely  breathed  her  last  sigh  before  the 
darling  of  the  house,  the  youngest  child,  sweet  little 
Felice,  was  seized  with  such  a  severe  attack,  that 
within  four  days,  she  too  had  passed  away,  leaving 
her  parents  desolate  indeed. 

But  when  we  consider  the  deadly  contagion  of  the 
plague,  and  the  ignorance  in  those  days  of  the  simplest 
laws  of  infection,  we  cannot  wonder  that  whole 
families  were  constantly  swept  utterly  away.  The 
sad  case  was,  in  truth,  that  there  should  be  any 
survivors  to  mourn  for  the  storm  which  had  ravaged 
their  home. 

It  was  immediately  after  this  cruel  disaster,  that 
Celio  and  Margherita  received  the  news  of  Horatio 
their  eldest  son's  death  in  Constantinople,  to  which 
we  have  already  alluded.  Of  all  their  loved  family, 
there  only  now  remained  one  daughter  and  the 
youngest  son  Leo.  The  second  son  Agostino,  the 
most  learned  of  all,  who  wrote  the  "History  of  the 
Saracens,"  was  made  Professor  of  Rhetoric  at  Basle, 
and  died  in  1566.  Dorothea,  who  was  their  second 
daughter,  four  years  older  than  Angela,  had  been  left 
behind  in  the  care  of  some  devoted  friends,  when 
her  father  and  mother  were  preparing  for  their  perilous 


CELIO  SECUNDO  CURIONE  205 

escape  from  Lucca.  She  had  grown  up  to  love  these 
as  her  real  parents,  for  they  had  no  children  of  their 
own,  and  had  warmly  adopted  the  young  girl  with 
the  most  tender  affection.  It  was  impossible  for 
Curione  to  ask  for  her  back,  but  in  a  letter  to  his 
friend  Aonio  Paleario,  who  was  then  Professor  of 
Eloquence  at  Lucca,  he  begged  for  a  portrait  of 
Dorothea.  This  was  sent  to  him  in  1552,  with  a 
long  kind  letter,  giving  a  full  account  of  her.  It  is 
interesting  to  know  that  the  picture  can  now  be  seen 
in  the  Museum  of  Basle  ;  the  girl  holds  in  her  hand  a 
letter,  on  which  may  be  read  the  name  "  Dorothea." 

As  for  the  youngest  son  Leo,  the  last  remaining 
child  of  Curione  and  Margherita,  he  also  had  been 
sent  to  study  in  Italy,  and  had  accompanied  a  certain 
Professor  named  Kista  to  Toland,  where  there  was 
now  freedom  of  religious  thought.  Leo  Curione 
had  there  obtained  a  state  appointment,  and  had 
been  entrusted  with  several  important  embassies  to 
various  Courts  of  Europe.  However,  with  noble 
self-sacrifice  he  at  once  obeyed  his  father's  imploring 
summons  to  return  to  Basle  after  the  death  of  Agostino 
in  1566 — and  gave  up  his  splendid  prospects  in 
Poland,  without  a  murmur.  His  return  was  a  great 
comfort  to  his  mourning  parents,  and  he  lived  a  useful 
and  honourable  life  in  his  home.  He  married  a  lady 
of  the  name  of  Flaminia,  a  daughter  of  the  Moralto 
family,  which  came  originally  from  Locarno.  We  do 
not  know  much  of  his  later  life  except  that,  during 
the  wars  of  religion  in  France,  he  was  imprisoned  by 
the  Guise  party,  and  kept  for  some  time  in  con- 
finement. 

Of  Celio  Secundo  Curione  himself,  there  is  but 
little   more   to   say.    He   continued   his   appointed 


206  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

work,  lecturing  daily  at  the  College  of  Basle,  when 
in  the  winter  of  1569,  he  was  suddenly  taken  ill,  and 
died  after  a  few  days'  illness,  on  November  25.  There 
was  a  great  funeral  procession  of  learned  men  and 
students  who  deeply  grieved  for  the  loss  of  their 
honoured  friend.  He  was  laid  to  rest  in  the  cloisters 
of  the  Cathedral,  by  the  side  of  his  three  young 
daughters  and  his  son  Agostino  ;  his  pathetic  funeral 
sermon  was  listened  to  with  heartfelt  sympathy  by 
the  multitude  in  the  crowded  Cathedral,  who  had 
long  experience  of  his  great  talents  and  his  unceasing 
charity. 

His  wife  Margherita,  who  had  been  his  dearest 
friend  and  companion  for  forty  years,  lived  on  in 
quiet  and  patient  seclusion  until  May  12,  1587,  but 
of  her  we  have  no  further  record.  It  must  have 
been  a  comfort  to  her  to  hear  her  husband's  praises 
on  every  side,  and  to  be  told  that  he  had  perhaps 
done  more  than  any  one  else  to  forward  the  Italian 
Reformation,  both  by  word  and  deed. 


CHAPTER   XVIII 

AONIO   PALEARIO 

Life  of  Aonio  Paleario — Born  at  Veroli — Early  studies — Visits  Padua 
and  Perugia — Settles  at  Siena — His  eloquence  and  learned 
writings — Persecuted  at  Rome  for  his  opinions — Professor  at 
Lucca,  and  at  Milan — Condemned  by  the  Inquisition — Taken  to 
Rome,  where  he  suffered  martrydom,  1570 — Attended  by  the 
Misericordia — Letters  to  his  wife  and  children. 

No  history  of  the  Men  and  Women  of  the  Italian 
Reformation  would  be  complete  without  some  ac- 
count of  the  famous  Aonio  Paleario,  whose  work 
was  so  individual  and  independent,  that  we  can 
scarcely  join  him  on  to  any  group  of  Reformers. 

He  was  born  in  the  year  1500  at  Veroli,  the  ancient 
Verulam,  on  the  confines  of  the  Campagna  of  Rome. 
His  father  was  Marteo  Paleario  and  his  mother's 
name  was  Chiara  Janarilla  ;  he  was  baptized  as 
Antonio,  but  later  changed  his  name  to  the  more 
classical  Aonio.  We  know  very  little  about  his 
early  history,  beyond  the  fact  that  his  parents  died 
when  he  was  very  young,  and  that  when  the  learned 
Ennio  Filonardi  became  Bishop  of  Veroli,  he  took 
great  interest  in  the  promising  youth.  Aonio  was  at 
Rome  continuing  his  studies,  for  several  years  before 
the  terrible  sack  of  the  city  in  1527.  He  was  an 
eager  student  of  the  classics,  more  especially  of 
Cicero  and  Aristotle,  and  his  reputation  appears  to 

207 


208  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

have  obtained  him  a  post  in  the  Ubrary  of  a  rich 
Roman  noble,  whom  he  alludes  to  as  his  "  Caesar/' 
Here  he  was  falsely  accused  of  copying  some  valuable 
work  about  Livy,  for  the  sake  of  his  own  interest, 
and  he  was  so  indignant  that  he  resigned  his  position. 
We  next  hear  of  him  in  1529,  when  he  writes  to 
his  friend  Mauro,  of  Arcano  : 

"...  So  earnestly  do  I  thirst  after  philosophy  and 
those  studies  to  which,  before  the  capture  of  Rome 
by  the  Spaniards,  I  had  devoted  six  years,  that  I 
ardently  desire  to  resume  them.  ...  I  hear  that 
Uterature  flourishes  in  Tuscany  ;  there  is  nothing  to 
prevent  my  going  straight  to  Siena,  unless  I  first 
visit  Perugia,  where  my  friend  Ennio  (late  Bishop  of 
Veroli),  is  now  vice-Legate.  I  long  much  to  see 
him  for  he  has  warm  aftection  for  me,  and  the  philo- 
sophers of  Perugia  are  not  to  be  despised.  If  the 
inveterate  barbarisms  with  which  commentators  have 
disfigured  that  branch  of  learning,  do  not  prevail 
there,  I  can  nowhere  be  happier  .  .  .  but  otherwise, 
I  will  visit  Padua  where  Lampridio  rightly  interprets 
the  Greek  compositions  of  Aristotle.  .  .  .  Farewell. 
Rome.'' 

This  friend  Mauro  was  a  poet  whose  work  was 
preferred  by  Ruscelli  to  that  of  Berni,  the  clever 
satirist.  When  Paleario  went  to  Perugia — having 
we  presume,  discovered  that  a  vicious  style  of  com- 
position did  not  prevail  there — he  was  received  with 
warm  hospitality  by  his  friend  Filonardi,  the  Governor. 
But  the  scholarship  of  the  University  did  not  satisfy 
him  and  after  some  months,  he  travelled  on  to  Siena. 
He  is  delighted  with  the  scenery,  but  he  finds  th^ 


AONIO  PALEAEIO  209 

College  there  also  "  full  of  barbarisms  "  ;  however, 
lie  remained  in  the  hill  city,  engaged  in  study,  for 
several  years. 

It  was  not  until  the  year  1531,  that  Paleario 
carried  out  his  design  of  visiting  Padua,  where  his 
critical  taste  was  thoroughly  satisfied  with  the  splendid 
scholarship  of  the  poet  and  linguist,  Benedetto 
Lampridio,  whose  private  Academy  attracted  scholars 
from  all  parts  to  study  the  classics  under  his  guidance. 
The  University  of  Padua  had  recently  renewed  its 
ancient  glory,  and  was  in  a  most  flourishing  condition, 
and  Aonio  Paleario  greatly  enjoyed  the  year  which 
he  spent  in  that  city,  and  wrote  with  great  enthusiasm 
about  the  eloquence  of  Lampridio,  describing  him  as 
another  Demosthenes. 

Paleario  was  on  his  way  to  Rome  and  had  travelled 
as  far  as  Bologna,  when  he  was  recalled  to  Siena  by 
a  pressing  appeal  from  a  friend  who  was  unjustly 
accused,  and  who  implored  the  help  of  his  eloquence 
and  legal  knowledge.  His  advocacy  met  with  splendid 
success  ;  he  was  able  to  prove  that  Antonio  Bellanti 
was  the  victim  of  a  base  conspiracy,  and  his  eloquent 
oration,  together  with  his  profound  knowledge  of 
Poman  jurisprudence,  was  looked  upon  as  a  brilHant 
success ;  the  pleader  had  thoroughly  established  his 
reputation. 

While  at  Siena,  he  received  an  earnest  letter  from 
the  learned  Bembo,  strongly  advising  him  to  return 
to  Padua,  and  continue  his  philosophical  studies. 
This  was  in  1533,  and  w^e  find  him  soon  after  com- 
pleting his  poem,  "  On  the  Immortahty  of  the  Soul,'^ 
and  resuming  his  peaceful  life  in  Padua.  There  is 
a  curious  mixture  of  Christian  and  Pagan  philosophy 
in  this  poem,  which  begins  by  lauding  the  wisdom 
14 


210  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

and  power  of  the  Creator ;  then  the  author  invokes 
Aristotle  to  guide  him  through  the  labyrinths  of  this 
mystery  .  .  .  and  lastly  he  desires  to  describe  the 
state  of  the  soul  after  death,  with  the  rewards  and 
punishments  which  await  us  at  the  end  of  our  ap- 
pointed course  in  this  world.  .  .  . 

Although  Paleario  greatly  enjoyed  the  literary 
society  of  Padua  and  the  friendship  of  Bembo,  he 
was  more  drawn  towards  his  older  friends  at  Siena, 
and  decided  to  settle  in  their  neighbourhood.  But 
first  he  paid  a  visit  to  Rome,  where  Ennio  Filonardi, 
his  earliest  patron,  was  now  Governor  of  St.  Angelo. 
After  this  he  remained  for  some  time  at  Colle,  an 
interesting  old  city  with  a  picturesque  castle  on  the 
hill,  and  it  was  here  that  he  made  the  acquaintance 
of  Marietta  Guidotti,  who  afterwards  became  his 
wife.  He  bought  an  estate  at  Ceciniano  about  three 
miles  distant  from  Colle,  on  the  road  to  Volterra. 
When  he  was  happily  settled  in  his  new  home,  he 
devoted  himself  once  more  to  his  philosophical 
studies,  which  had  already  attracted  the  attention  of 
many  learned  scholars  and  philosophers.  Amongst 
his  friends  was  the  celebrated  Piero  Vettori,  Professor 
of  Greek  and  Latin  Literature  at  Florence,  who  came 
to  stay  with  him  at  Ceciniano,  and  he  had  also  visitors 
who,  like  himself,  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  new 
doctrines  of  reformed  religion. 

Troublous  times  were  in  store  for  him  on  account 
of  his  outspoken  attack  on  injustice  and  fraud  of 
every  kind.  A  strolling  friar  came  to  preach  at 
Colle,  and  made  such  unfair  accusations  and  so  many 
false  statements,  that  Paleario  felt  himself  compelled 
publicly  to  refute  them.  The  natural  result  followed  ; 
he  found  himself  cruelly  attacked  and  a  charge  of 


AONIO  PALEARIO  211 

heresy  was  brought  against  him,  both  at  Rome  and 
Florence,  while  every  kind  of  slander  was  invented 
against  his  private  character  as  well  as  his  opinions. 
We  have  an  immense  amount  of  correspondence 
telling  the  whole  story  of  his  persecution,  but  his 
letters  are  too  long  to  quote.  These  constant  attacks 
continued  for  two  years,  during  which  time  his 
enemies,  the  Dominican  monks,  were  collecting 
proofs  of  his  heresy,  both  from  hearsay  evidence 
and  from  obscure  passages  in  his  theological  works. 

Meantime  Aonio  Paleario  had  lost  most  of  his 
private  pupils,  his  neighbours  were  beginning  to  look 
upon  him  with  suspicion,  and  even  his  wif e^s  relations 
had  turned  against  him.  He  went  to  Rome  to  make 
a  personal  appeal,  but  it  was  of  no  avail  against  the 
overwhelming  force  of  his  enemies,  for  the  cry  of 
heresy  was  enough  to  rouse  all  the  powers  of  the 
Romish  Church  against  him.  In  1542,  we  gather 
from  his  letters  that  he  had  written  a  book  showing 
forth  the  "  merits  of  Christ's  death,"  and  this  alone 
was  enough  to  condemn  him.  For  some  time  it  was 
supposed  that  it  was  the  wonderfully  successful  and 
popular  treatise  on  the  "  Benefizio  della  morte  di 
Cristo,"  which  has  been  called  the  "  Credo  "  of  the 
Italian  Reformation.  This  is  now  beHeved  to  have 
been  the  work  of  a  Benedictine  monk — Benedetto  of 
Mantua — who  dwelt  in  the  monastery  at  the  foot  of 
Mount  Etna.  It  was  revised  at  the  author's  request 
by  Marcantonio  Flaminio,  and  we  shall  hear  more  of 
it  hereafter. 

Paleario  had  a  time  of  terrible  anxiety  at  Rome, 
then  under  the  rule  of  Paul  III,  but  he  was  strongly 
advised  by  his  friends  not  to  return  home,  where 
greater  dangers  would  await  him.     He  writes  to  his 


212  ITALIAN  BEFORMATION 

friend  Fausto  Bellanti,  who  has  invited  him  to  take 
refuge  in  his  castle  of  Areolo  : 

"  In  this  city  my  sole  comfort  is  in  the  society  of 
my  friend  Maf!ei  and  of  Cincio  who  has  just  written 
an  historical  account  of  his  collection  of  ancient  coins. 
.  .  .  He  wishes  me  to  consider  all  he  has  as  mine.  He 
gives  me  coins,  offers  money,  books  and  everything 
with  the  greatest  generosity.  ...  In  your  letter  you 
say  :  '  H  you  tire  of  your  Roman  friends,  come,  I 
entreat  you.'  .  .  .  The  Hernici  also  expect  me,  but  the 
distance  is  great  and  the  road  not  secure,  for  the 
forest  of  Algidio  is  infested  with  banditti,  and  Val- 
montone  is  said  to  be  quite  beset  with  them.  The 
Colonna  have  taken  arms  :  I  will  do  nothing  rash.  .  .  . 
Take  care  not  to  mention  any  of  these  things  to  my 
wife ;  she  is  already  anxious  enough  about  me  .  .  . 
and  passes  whole  days  in  tears.  Console  her  in  my 
name.  God  has  hitherto  protected  me  from  evil.  .  .  . 
If  any  misfortune  befall  me,  I  commend  my  children 
to  your  care.  .  .  .'' 

With  the  kind  help  of  Cardinal  Sadoleto,  Paleario 
was  able  to  leave  Rome,  by  way  of  Viterbo,  but  being 
afraid  to  show  himself  openly  at  Siena,  he  travelled 
before  dawn  across  the  country  to  see  his  family. 
Notwithstanding  the  kind  influence  of  Cardinal 
Sadoleto,  who  spoke  warmly  in  his  favour  to  the 
Bishop  of  Siena,  he  was  in  great  danger  and  only 
narrowly  escaped  condemnation  when  he  was  publicly 
tried  for  heresy.  He  spoke  a  most  brilliant  oration 
in  his  defence  before  the  Senate,  full  of  feeling  and 
eloquence,  in  which  he  pointed  out  that  the  doctrines 
he  was  accused  of  holding  were  but  taken  from  those 
ancient  and  revered  documents :   the  Scriptures  and 


AONIO  PALEARIO  213 

the  writings  of  the  Fathers.  He  spoke  with  noble 
courage  on  behalf  of  Bernardino  Ochino,  who  had 
been  driven  out  of  the  country  at  the  very  moment 
when  all  Italy  was  hanging  with  enthusiasm  on  his 
earnest  preaching.  He  did  not  deny  that  he  had 
written  a  book  in  the  language  of  the  people,  con- 
cerning the  "  merits  of  the  death  of  Christ."  But  he 
boldly  asks,  how  such  a  doctrine  as  that  can  be 
contrary  to  true  religion  in  a  Christian  country  ? 
He  also  remarks  :  "As  to  the  passages  taken  from 
Commentators,  whoever  accuses  the  Germans  accuses 
also  Origen,  Chrysostom,  Cyril,  Augustine  and 
Jerome."    This  he  proves  by  quotations. 

The  words  of  Paleario  appear  to  have  made  so 
great  an  impression  upon  the  "  Conscript  Fathers  of 
Siena,"  that  he  was  not  only  absolved,  but  at  the 
time  no  censure  was  passed  upon  him.  However 
from  that  time,  he  was  a  marked  man,  and  when  the 
Chair  of  Philology  became  vacant  at  Siena,  he  was 
terribly  disappointed  at  being  passed  over.  Even 
his  friends  did  not  all  venture  to  exert  their  influence 
on  behalf  of  one  who  had  been  accused  of  heresy, 
although  some,  like  Placido  AldeUi,  risked  their  own 
position  and  safety  for  his  sake.  In  1542,  the  stern 
Caraf5a  had  induced  Pope  Paul  III  to  estabhsh  the 
Inquisition  at  Rome. 

During  the  next  four  years  Paleario  was  in  sore 
straits,  for  he  had  lost  his  private  pupils,  and  the 
ill-will  of  his  enemies  cut  him  off  from  all  honourable 
employment.  His  fame  had  long  before  reached 
Lucca,  and  the  Senate  of  that  free  and  peaceful  city 
sent  him  an  invitation  to  become  Professor  of  Elo- 
quence and  also  Orator  of  the  RepubHc.  This  post 
he  was  strongly  advised  to  accept  by  both  Bembo 


214  ITALIAN  EEFOEMATION 

and  Sadoleto,  who  at  the  same  time  warned  him  to 
be  prudent.  These  were  the  last  letters  he  received 
from  his  old  patrons,  for  Cardinal  Sadoleto  died  at 
Rome  the  following  year,  1547,  a  few  months  after 
his  friend  Pietro  Bembo.  Their  loss  was  a  great 
misfortune  to  Aonio,  for  he  had  always  been  able  to 
depend  upon  their  friendly  help  and  influence  in 
Rome. 

As  we  have  already  seen  in  the  life  of  Peter  Martyr, 
the  reformed  opinions  had  made  great  progress  in 
Lucca,  and  the  new  Professor  received  a  warm 
welcome  in  that  city.  His  post  of  Orator  required 
him  to  give  two  orations  in  the  year — short  dis- 
courses on  the  history  and  greatness  of  the  RepubUc — 
and  to  encourage  the  patriotism  of  the  citizens. 
About  this  time  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  a 
distant  connection,  the  Prince  of  Salerno,  from  whom 
he  had  hopes  of  promotion.  But  the  Prince,  Ferrante 
Sanseverino,  who  employed  Bernardo  Tasso  as  his 
secretary,  fell  into  disgrace  soon  after  with  the 
Emperor,  for  his  high-spirited  defence  of  Naples 
against  the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition  there. 
His  efforts  on  behalf  of  religious  freedom  were  un- 
fortunately his  own  ruin,  and  he  was  unable  to 
befriend  Paleario,  whose  one  weakness  appears  to 
have  been  a  strong  desire  to  meet  with  noble  patrons. 

Aonio  Paleario  remained  some  years  as  Professor 
at  Lucca,  and  we  have  most  interesting  and  learned 
letters  of  his  to  many  literary  friends,  and  he  also 
published  several  volumes  of  his  Orations.  His  wife 
and  family  had  joined  him  in  Lucca  after  the  first 
year,  when  he  felt  fully  established.  In  one  of  his 
letters,  we  notice  that  ladies  of  high  rank  were  quite 
wiUing  to  ride  from  Lucca  to  Pisa,  a  distance  of 


AONIO  PALEAEIO  215 

fifteen  miles,  in  order  to  be  present  at  a  play.  He 
seems  to  have  had  many  anxieties  from  the  opposition 
of  some  of  the  citizens,  on  account  of  his  well-known 
religious  opinions,  and  at  length  he  gladly  retired  to 
his  little  villa  at  Ceciniano,  although  his  poverty 
compelled  him  to  continue  such  teaching  work  as 
he  could  obtain. 

The  next  post,  which  he  accepted  in  1555,  was 
that  of  Professor  of  Eloquence  at  Milan,  in  succession 
to  the  famous  Marcantonio  Majoragio.  In  his  first 
oration,  he  describes  in  striking  words  the  abdication 
of  the  great  Emperor  Charles  V,  who  resigned  Spain 
and  the  Netherlands  to  his  son  Philip  and  the  Empire 
to  his  brother  Ferdinand.  With  his  usual  zeal, 
Paleario  devoted  himself  to  his  work  at  Milan,  which 
was  highly  appreciated,  and  he  made  many  friends 
during  the  eleven  years  of  his  Professorship. 

But  the  election  of  Pius  V,  the  Chief  Inquisitor, 
as  Pope  in  1566,  put  an  end  to  all  peace  and  confidence 
for  the  Eeformers  throughout  Italy.  One  after 
another,  all  the  most  distinguished  men  were  picked 
out,  summoned  to  Eome  and  put  to  death,  after  a 
mere  mockery  of  a  trial.  Paleario  was  well  aware 
of  his  danger,  and  he  took  special  precautions  to  send 
his  manuscripts  to  the  care  of  Zuinger  at  Basle,  that 
they  might  be  printed  in  a  free  and  Protestant  city. 
In  the  terrible  time  of  persecution  under  this  merciless 
Pope,  Aonio  describes  the  state  of  terror  which  pre- 
vailed through  the  whole  land  as  "  a  yoke  so  grievous 
that  men  were  weary  of  their  Hves.''  Deeds  of 
violence  happened  every  day  ;  men  peaceably  en- 
gaged in  their  usual  occupations  were  suddenly  seized, 
sent  to  Rome  and  "  given  over  to  the  secular  arm  to 
be  burned.''    We  have  not  space  to  repeat  even  the 


216  ITALIAN  EEFORMATION 

names  of  the  many  gallant  Reformers  who  gave  their 
lives  for  the  faith. 

Aonio  Paleario  was  not  long  spared.  He  was  first 
accused  of  heresy  on  the  strength  of  a  Latin  Oration 
which  he  had  given  twenty-five  years  before — other 
charges  were  brought  against  him,  and  in  spite  of  all 
the  efforts  of  the  Senate  of  Milan,  he  was  hurriedly 
carried  off  to  Rome,  thrown  into  prison  and  tortured. 
In  a  letter  which  he  wrote  at  this  time,  he  shows  the 
most  noble  courage  and  fortitude. 

"  These  are  not  times  for  a  Christian  to  die  in  his 
bed ;  it  is  not  enough  to  be  accused,  dragged  to 
prison,  beaten  with  rods  ...  it  is  also  our  duty  to 
allow  ourselves  to  be  burned  with  fire,  if  by  martyrdom 
the  Truth  may  be  brought  to  light.  ..." 

After  his  condemnation,  he  was  visited  in  prison 
by  members  of  the  Society  of  the  Misericordia,  who 
received  notice  the  day  before  a  victim  was  to  be 
executed,  and  helped  him  with  the  last  friendly 
offices.  This  notice  is  to  be  found  in  the  registers  of 
the  Society : 

**  On  Sunday  night  our  company  was  summoned, 
and  on  Monday  the  3d  of  July  1570,  Messer  Aonio 
Paleario  of  Veroli,  and  inhabitant  of  Colle  di  Val 
d'Elsa,  was  consigned  to  us  as  condemned  and 
sentenced  by  the  Holy  Inquisition.  .  .  .  He  did  not 
make  any  will  except  giving  us  the  two  letters  below, 
written  with  his  own  hand,  entreating  us  to  send 
them  to  his  wife  and  children  at  Colle  di  Val  d'Elsa. 
The  holy  mass  was  then  celebrated,  and  at  the  usual 
hour  he  was  taken  to  the  bridge,  where  he  was  hanged 
and  then  burned." 


AONIO  PALEARIO  217 

**  To  my  dearest  wife  Marietta  Paleari. 

**  My  dearest  Wife, 

"  I  would  not  have  you  be  sorrowful  at  my 
happiness,  .  .  .  the  hour  is  come  when  I  shall  pass 
from  this  life  to  my  Father  in  Heaven.  I  go  there 
in  joyful  humility.  .  .  .  Console  yourself  my  dear  wife, 
for  this  is  the  will  of  God,  and  to  me  joy ;  devote 
yourself  to  our  children  and  bring  them  up  in  the 
fear  of  God.  ...  I  am  already  past  seventy  and  my 
work  is  done.  May  God  bless  you,  and  the  com- 
munion of  the  Holy  Spirit  be  yours.  Rome,  3d 
July.     1570. 

"  Your  husband  AonioPaleario.'' 

**  To  Lampridio  and  Fedro,  my  beloved  sons. 

"  These  most  courteous  gentlemen  do  not  fail  in 
their  kindness  .  .  .  and  allow  me  to  write  to  you.  It 
has  pleased  God  to  call  me  to  Himself  in  the  manner 
you  will  hear,  and  which  will  appear  to  you  hard  and 
bitter,  but  if  you  dwell  upon  the  thought  that  it  is 
my  greatest  joy  to  conform  myself  to  the  will  of  God, 
you  also  will  patiently  submit.  I  leave  you  for 
patrimony,  virtue  and  diligence,  as  also  the  small 
estate  which  you  now  hold.  ...  I  gave  Lampridio  the 
account  of  my  affairs,  and  there  is  also  your  mother's 
dower.  Be  careful  to  place  your  little  sister  as  God 
may  direct  you.  Salute  for  me  Aspasia  and  Aonilla, 
my  beloved  daughters.  My  hour  approaches.  May 
the  Spirit  of  God  console  you  and  preserve  you  in 
His  grace.     Rome.     3d  July  1570. 

"  Your  father  Aonio  Paleario.'' 

We  learn  from  a  genealogy  in  the  Library  of  Siena, 


218  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

that  Paleario  had  seven  children,  five  of  whom  were 
Hving  at  the  time  of  his  death.  Besides  the  two  sons, 
Fedro  and  Lampridio,  there  was  a  daughter  Aspasia 
who  married  Fulvio  della  Rena,  son  of  a  physician  ; 
Aonilla,  who  was  a  nun  in  the  Convent  of  St.  Caterina 
at  Colle  ;  Sofonisba  married  Claudio  Porzij  and  had 
died  earUer,  while  the  "  little  sister  "  mentioned  in 
the  letter  was  Aganippe.  It  was  fortunate  that  the 
sons  were  in  learned  professions,  as  otherwise  the 
family  would  have  been  destitute,  for  the  Inquisition 
took  possession  of  all  property  left  by  a  heretic. 

The  works  of  Aonio  Paleario  have  been  collected 
and  published  ;  in  them  we  find  the  noblest  memorial 
of  a  brave,  devout  and  learned  man. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

REFORMATION   AT  NAPLES 

The  Reformation  at  Naples — Circle  of  Juan  de  Valdes — His  earlier 
life — His  writings — "Mercurio  y  Caron" — Brief  account  of 
Giulia  Gonzaga,  Countess  of  Fondi — The  influence  of  Vald6s  on 
her  reUgious  faith — The  "  Alfabeto  Cristiano "  (Dialogues 
between  Vald6s  and  Giulia) — She  devotes  her  life  to  works  of 
charity — Her  former  briUiant  literary  society  at  Fondi,  when 
Ariosto  and  Tasso  sang  her  praises. 

We  have  now  reached  the  most  interesting  point  of 
this  history,  when  we  study  the  religious  circle  at 
Naples,  the  very  heart  and  centre  of  the  Italian 
Reformation.  The  acknowledged  leader  of  the  earnest 
and  important  movement  in  this  city  was  Juan  de 
Valdes,  a  Spanish  noble,  who  originally  came  here  as 
Secretary  to  the  Viceroy,  Don  Pietro  di  Toledo. 

Juan  was  the  son  of  Fernando  de  Valdes,  Regidor 
of  Cuenca,  in  Castile  ;  he  had  a  twin  brother  Alfonso, 
who  long  held  an  important  post  at  the  Court  of 
Charles  V ;  and  was  a  great  admirer  of  Erasmus. 
Alfonso  is  chiefly  known  as  the  writer  of  the  ''  Dialogo 
de  Lactancio,"  in  which  he  sought  to  vindicate  the 
Emperor  after  the  sack  of  Rome,  1527.  He  died  of 
the  plague  in  1532  at  Vienna. 

His  more  famous  brother  Juan,  held  for  some 
time  the  post  of  Chamberlain  of  honour  to  Pope 
Clement  VII,  after  he  had  left  Spain,  where  he  had 
found  himself  compromised  by  a  book  which  he  had 

219 


220  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

recently  written.  This  was  his  famous  "Dialogo  de 
Mercuric  y  Caron/'  which  was  both  poHtical  and 
religious.  It  justifies  the  Emperor's  challenge  to 
the  King  of  France,  and  it  points  out  vividly  the 
corrupt  condition  of  the  orthodox  Church.  He  thus 
incurred  the  wrath  of  the  Inquisition  in  Spain,  and 
about  the  year  1530,  he  left  for  Naples,  and  a  year 
later  visited  Rome.  In  1533  we  find  him  chosen  as 
Chamberlain  of  honour  to  the  Pope  at  Bologna,  where 
the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  were  at  that  time  both 
present.  But  before  Clement  VII  went  to  France  in 
the  autumn  of  that  year,  Valdes  returned  to  Naples 
where  he  remained  until  his  death. 

The  "  Dialogo  de  Mercurio  y  Caron  "  is  "carried  on 
between  Mercury  and  Charon,  the  boatman  of  the 
Styx,  who  also  converses  with  his  passengers  to  the 
other  world,  and  by  some  mystical  influence,  each  soul 
is  compelled  to  tell  the  whole  truth.  A  famous 
preacher  is  ferried  across,  and  when  he  is  asked  the 
secret  of  his  wonderful  reputation,  he  replies :  "I 
wore  an  air  of  sanctity  to  impress  my  hearers,  but 
in  the  pulpit  I  was  careful  never  to  reprove  those 
who  were  present.  My  own  wealth  and  glory  were 
my  sole  aims  in  life,  and  I  only  wished  to  live  like  a 
Pope.  .  .  .'*  A  King's  councillor  passes,  and  is  greatly 
shocked  to  hear  that  hell  is  his  destination.  He  had 
kept  so  many  religious  observances  that  he  really 
thought  himself  a  good  Christian  ;  he  had  even  died 
in  the  habit  of  a  Franciscan  .  .  .  surely  he  was  not 
going  to  hell ! 

Next  follows  a  reigning  Duke,  who  owns  that  he 
has  only  lived  for  his  own  enjoyment,  but  he  had 
built  churches  to  make  sure  of  Heaven,  and  bought 
Papal  indulgences.  .  .  .  He  is  furious  to  hear  that  all 


I 


REFORMATION  AT  NAPLES  221 

ttis  is  of  no  avail.  Then  comes  a  lordly  bishop  who 
had  held  his  office  for  twenty  years.  He  asks  if  we 
can  pass  ?  with  proud  assurance.  He  explains  when 
asked,  that  to  be  a  bishop  is  to  wear  a  white  rochet, 
say  mass  with  a  mitre,  and  gloves  and  rings  ...  to 
grasp  the  revenue  and  spend  it  in  pleasure,  and 
always  have  plenty  of  servants  to  wait  upon  his 
caprices,  and  keep  a  good  table  for  those  who  dined 
with  him.  He  is  simply  amazed  to  be  told  that  he 
should  care  for  the  souls  in  his  charge  and  if  needful 
be  ready  to  die  for  them  ;  that  he  should  preach  to 
his  flock  faithfully  and  set  them  a  good  example, 
that  he  should  relieve  the  poor  and  live  in  prayer 
and  self-sacrifice. 

Then  follows  a  proud  Cardinal  who  has  also  used 
the  sacred  office  for  his  own  gratification,  and  is 
filled  with  dismay  to  find  that  he  has  no  passport  to 
Heaven.  Next  comes  a  King,  who  has  fought  against 
the  Turks,  done  some  slight  penance  by  his  con- 
fessor's advice  to  atone  for  an  unholy  life,  and  said 
prayers  which  he  could  not  understand. 

Presently  a  soul  draws  near,  thin  and  emaciated, 
of  whom  Mercury  remarks  :  "  This  must  be  a  hypo- 
crite. Where  are  you  going  ?  "  "  To  Heaven,''  is 
the  reply.  He  relates  how  he  has  fasted  and  prayed, 
and  was  looked  upon  as  a  saint  upon  earth.  But  his 
arguments  prove  that  he  had  no  charity,  and  he  too  is 
condemned.  A  preacher  follows,  who  declares  that 
he  was  so  successful  in  his  sermons  that  he  could 
make  his  hearers  believe  anything,  while  he  himself 
neglected  the  Scriptures  and  knew  not  God.  It 
takes  a  long  argument  to  convince  him  of  his  grievous 
error. 

A  soul  is  now  seen  crossing  the  mountains  on  the 


222  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

heaven-ward  way,  and  on  enquiry  he  proves  to  be 
a  true  Christian,  a  single-hearted  servant  of  God  ; 
with  deep  humility  he  tells  his  story  of  prayer  and 
devotion,  full  of  trust  in  Christ  alone.  After  this 
we  have  a  saintly  bishop,  and  that  rare  and  delightful 
sight,  a  good  King  ;  and  closely  following  him,  a  pious 
friar  who  had  welcomed  poverty  gladly,  and  was 
full  of  heavenly  charity.  They  go  onward  joyfully 
to  receive  their  just  reward.  Charon  next  beholds 
the  soul  of  a  woman  floating  joyfully  onwards.  She 
tells  her  story ;  how  she  learnt  the  truth  and  tried 
to  teach  others  rather  by  her  deeds  than  her  words  ; 
how  she  was  unhappy  in  her  marriage  but  endured  all 
things  in  patient  faith,  until  she  had  won  over  her 
husband  in  the  end. 

The  first  work  of  Juan  de  Valdes  after  he  had 
settled  at  Naples,  was  the  "Dialoga  de  la  Lengua,"  a 
beautiful  study  of  the  Spanish  language.  But  hence- 
forth, all  his  learning  and  earnest  devotion  were  given 
to  religious  subjects.  He  was  a  great  student  of  the 
works  of  German  Reformers,  and  seems  to  have  been 
especially  interested  in  the  "  Christian  Institutions  " 
of  the  devout  mystic  Dr.  Tauler,  a  forerunner  of 
Luther  in  the  fourteenth  century.  He  held  the 
doctrine  that  the  soul  can  become  so  purified  that 
even  amidst  the  noise  and  stir  of  the  market-place 
and  the  shop,  it  can  keep  such  watch  over  the  heart, 
and  such  ward  over  the  senses,  as  to  go  unharmed 
and  preserve  the  inner  peace  unbroken.  On  the 
other  hand,  many  are  cloistered  in  body,  while 
thought  and  desire  wander  to  and  fro  through  the 
earth. 

The  religious  influence  of  Valdes  soon  became  so 
great,  that  a  circle  of  distinguished  friends  gathered 


REFORMATION  AT  NAPLES  223 

around  him,  amongst  whom  were  such  men  as  Mar- 
cantonio  FlamJnio,  the  poet,  the  protonotary  Pietro 
Carnesecchi,  the  historian  Bonfadio,  Lorenzo  Romano, 
Montalcino,  and  at  times,  Bernardino  Ochino  and 
Peter  Martyr  Vermigli.  Amongst  his  pupils  there 
were  also  great  ladies  of  Naples  and  the  neighbour- 
hood, and  even  from  distant  cities.  Isabella  Brisegna, 
the  wife  of  Garzia  Manrique,  Governor  of  Piacenza, 
Onorata  Tancredi,  Vittoria  Colonna,  Isabella  d'Ara- 
gona,  Emilia  Rangone  and  many  others  ;  amongst 
whom  the  most  famous  was  Giulia  Gonzaga,  Countess 
of  Fondi.  She  takes  so  important  a  place  in  the 
history  of  the  Reformation  at  Naples  that  it  will  be 
needful  to  give  a  brief  summary  of  her  life. 

Giulia  Gonzaga  was  the  daughter  of  Lodovico 
Gonzaga  of  Gazzuolo,  and  Francesca  Fieschi,  of  a 
noble  Genoese  family  ;  she  was  born  in  1513  and 
was  one  of  the  youngest  of  a  large  and  distinguished 
family.  Her  grandmother,  Madonna  Antonio  del 
Balzo,  from  whom  she  probably  inherited  much  of 
her  talent  and  beauty,  was  of  a  Provencal  family 
so  ancient  as  to  outdo  all  other  pride  in  long  descent, 
for  they  claimed  as  their  ancestor  one  of  the  three 
Magi,  and  proudly  bore  on  their  arms  the  guiding 
Star  of  Bethlehem.  She  was  a  great  friend  of  Isabella 
d'Este,  who  chose  the  peerless  Giulia,  supreme  in 
beauty  and  talent  at  the  age  of  twelve,  as  one  of 
her  ladies  on  her  eventful  visit  to  Rome  in  1525. 
The  next  year,  she  was  married,  almost  a  child,  to 
the  great  noble,  Vespasiano  Colonna,  who  left  her 
a  widow  in  1528,  after  barely  two  years  of  queenly 
state  in  the  ancient  castle  of  Pagliano,  in  the  Roman 
Campagna. 

Left  a  widow  when  not  yet  sixteen,  heiress  of  her 


224  ITALIAN  EEFORMATION 

husband's  vast  possessions,  Giulia  settled  at  Fondi 
somewhat  later,  where  she  became  the  centre  of  a 
splendid  literary  group  of  friends.  She  was  greatly 
devoted  to  her  brother,  the  brave  captain,  Luigi 
Hodomonte  Gonzaga,  who  married  Isabella  Colonna, 
and  whose  orphan  son  Vespasiano  was  adopted  by 
her  and  became  later  the  magnificent  Duke  of  Sab- 
bioneta.  The  young  Countess  of  Fondi  had  an 
eventful  life,  but  perhaps  the  most  striking  incident 
was  her  wonderful  escape  from  being  carried  off  by 
the  Corsairs.  The  fame  of  her  marvellous  beauty 
had  spread  not  only  through  Europe  but  to  the  far 
East,  and  the  Corsair  chief  Barbarossa,  had  formed 
the  plan  of  carrying  off  the  famous  beauty  as  a 
present  to  the  Sultan  Suleyman  II.  He  had  been 
successful  in  raiding  all  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean 
and  reached  Sperlonga,  the  fishing  village  eight  miles 
distant  from  Fondi,  in  the  dead  of  night.  Then  with 
a  strong  body  of  armed  men,  the  Corsair  leader  made 
his  way  secretly  through  the  woods,  reaching  the 
city  and  the  palace  some  hours  before  dawn. 

At  the  last  moment  Giulia  was  warned  by  a  faithful 
attendant  and  escaped  through  the  window  of  her 
chamber  ;  horses  were  found  and  she  rode  in  sheltering 
darkness  to  a  place  of  safety.  The  Corsairs  in  their 
rage  looted  and  ravaged  the  city,  bringing  upon 
themselves  later  a  terrible  retribution. 

But  the  touching  romance  of  Giuha's  life  was  the 
deep  and  hopeless  affection  which  existed  between 
Ippohto  dei  Medici  and  herself.  His  uncle.  Pope 
Clement  VII  had  made  him  a  Cardinal,  when  he 
thought  he  was  dying,  and  thus  raised  an  impassable 
barrier  between  the  two ;  but  their  love  never 
changed,    and   after   the   gallant   young   Ippohto's 


cJ%/?'  f'A^e-^f ?i <f'r^/f no  (yen/, 


REFORMATION  AT  NAPLES  225 

premature  death,  the  young  Countess  gave  up  her 
splendid  Court  at  Fondi  and  went  to  live  in  Naples 
in  the  peace  and  seclusion  of  a  cloister.^  Here  by 
special  permission  of  Paul  III,  she  was  allowed  to  live 
as  "  a  secular  person." 

In  the  Lent  of  1536,  when  the  Emperor  Charles  V 
was  at  Naples,  a  series  of  sermons  were  preached  by 
Fra  Bernardino  Ochino,  which  created  so  much 
enthusiasm  that  "  His  Majesty  was  wont  to  say,  they 
would  draw  tears  from  the  very  stones."  It  was 
after  hearing  one  of  these  eloquent  discourses  that 
the  Countess  of  Fondi  was  so  moved  that  she  could 
not  control  her  emotion,  and  came  weeping  out  of 
the  Church  of  San  Giovanni  Maggiore.  Her  trouble 
and  agitation  was  noticed  by  Juan  de  Valdes,  whose 
acquaintance  she  had  already  made,  and  he  accom- 
panied her  to  the  Convent  of  San  Francesco.  Here 
Giulia  earnestly  questioned  him  with  regard  to  the 
teaching  of  Ochino,  which  seemed  to  her  so  very 
different  from  the  usual  doctrines  of  confession, 
prayers  for  the  saints'  intercession,  etc.,  and  which 
appeared  to  make  true  religion  a  personal  matter 
between  the  soul  and  God. 

It  is  interesting  to  remember  that  the  conversation 
which  followed  was  the  probable  origin  of  the  beautiful 
work  of  Valdes,  which  had  so  great  an  influence  on 
the  early  disciples  of  the  reformed  ideas  in  Italy, 
known  as  the  "  Alfabeto  Cristiano."  Giulia  was 
greatly  impressed  by  the  words  which  she  had  just 
heard,  and  she  found  it  a  relief  to  take  counsel  with 
one  whom  she  already  revered  for  his  piety  and 
learning. 

^  For  a  full  account  of  Giulia  Gonzaga's  life,  see  "  A  Princess  of  the 
Italian  Reformation,"  by  Christopher  Hare. 
15 


226  ITALIAN   REFOEMATION 

"  Ochino's  words  fill  me  with  the  love  of  Heaven, 
but  at  the  same  time  there  is  a  battle  within  me,  for 
I  desire  the  pleasure  and  glory  of  this  world.  How 
shall  I  escape  from  this  conflict,  and  to  which  love 
shall  I  yield  ?  Can  I  make  both  longings  agree,  or 
IS  it  my  duty  to  give  up  one  ?  .  .  ." 

In  the  serious  conversation  which  follows,  Juan  de 
Valdes  seeks  to  comfort  her  with  the  assurance  that 
this  turmoil  of  the  spirit  is  a  sign  of  the  growth  of 
heavenly  grace  within  her.  She  must  not  hope  to 
attain  perfection  at  once,  but  he  would  have  her 
make  daily  progress  on  the  way  to  salvation,  neither 
delayed  by  neghgence  nor  over-strained  by  too  eager 
haste. 

"  The  Law  has  wounded  you,  the  Gospel  will  heal 
you.  Above  all  I  would  have  you  strive  for  courage 
to  show  forth  your  Christian  life,  so  that  your  light 
may  be  a  guide  to  others.  .  .  ." 

Giulia  sadly  owns  that  admiration  and  applause  of 
the  world,  the  society  of  brilliant  and  learned  com- 
panions and  such  worldly  pleasures  have  still  a  great 
charm  for  her,  and  she  fears  that  to  lay  them  aside 
might  lead  to  melancholy.  .  .  .     Valdes  replies : 

"  As  your  heart  becomes  more  turned  towards 
Divine  things,  and  you  gain  in  heavenly  knowledge, 
you  will  instinctively  be  drawn  away  from  all 
passing  shows.  But  in  the  end  you  must  make  your 
choice  between  God  and  the  world,  and  seek  ever  to 
find  the  way  of  perfection.  Love  God  above  all 
things,  and  your  neighbour  as  yourself.  ..." 


REFORMATION  AT  NAPLES         227 

A  brief  conversation  follows  concerning  the  value 
of  the  monastic  life,  which  Valdes  asserts  is  only 
praiseworthy  when  chosen  from  the  pure  love  of  God. 

"  As  fire  is  needed  to  give  heat,  so  living  faith  alone 
can  produce  charity.  Faith  is  the  growing  tree  of 
which  charity  is  the  fruit,  the  heavenly  charity  which 
sufEereth  long  and  is  kind,  .  .  .  which  seeketh  not  her 
own  .  .  .  thinketh  no  evil,  rejoiceth  in  the  truth, 
beareth  all  things,  believeth  all  things,  hopeth  all 
things,  endureth  all  things.  .  .  .  For  now  abideth  faith, 
hope  and  charity,  these  three,  but  the  greatest  of 
these  is  charity." 

When  Giulia  enquires  concerning  the  way  of  salva- 
tion, she  is  told  : 

**  There  are  three  ways  which  lead  to  that  divine 
knowledge ;  the  light  of  Nature  which  teaches  us 
the  omnipotence  of  God,  the  Old  Testament  which 
shows  us  the  Creator  as  the  hater  of  all  evil,  and  last 
and  greatest,  the  way  of  light,  the  master-way,  the 
love  of  Christ.'' 

On  the  subject  of  alms,  Giulia  is  told  :  "  There  is 
no  other  rule  than  that  of  charity  ;  love  God  and 
you  will  learn  how  to  give  alms  aright."  Concerning 
prayer,  Valdes  remarks  that  "  spoken  prayer  often 
kindles  and  elevates  the  mind  to  real  and  earnest 
prayer  of  the  soul.  ..." 

Giulia  exclaims :  "  One  word  more.  You  have 
spoken  of  Christian  liberty.  In  what  does  it  con- 
sist 1  "  She  is  told  that  the  true  Christian  is  free 
from  the  tyranny  of  the  Law,  from  sin  and  death  ; 


228  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

and  is  absolute  master  of  his  affections  and  desires. 
In  spirit  he  is  free,  for  to  God  alone  is  he  responsible  ; 
while  as  to  the  body,  he  is  the  servant  of  all  for  the 
love  of  Christ.  .  .  . 

This  is  but  a  very  slight  sketch  of  the  conversation 
between  Giulia  and  Valdes,  leading  to  the  writing  of 
the  "  AlfabetoCristiano,"'  which  spread  the  doctrines 
of  the  Reformers  through  Italy.  We  cannot  fail  to 
admire  the  humility  of  great  ladies  such  as  Giulia 
Gonzaga  and  Caterina  Cibo,  who  are  willing  in  these 
and  other  dialogues  to  appear  as  lowly  pupils  to 
their  Christian  teachers.  Giulia  appears  to  have 
inherited  the  spirit  of  her  legendary  ancestor,  the 
Magi  king,  Balthazar,  who  left  all  to  follow  the 
guiding  star  to  Bethlehem. 

At  this  time,  1536,  Giulia  was  not  quite  twenty- 
three,  but  her  life — so  full  of  romance  and  adventure, 
of  eager  study,  and  intellectual  intercourse — had 
enriched  her  mind  to  a  marvellous  degree.  Sorrow 
and  loss  had  won  her  a  rare  fortitude  for  one  so 
young,  which  would  be  put  to  the  proof  in  the 
coming  days  of  persecution.  Henceforth  Giulia 
Gonzaga  gave  up  her  life  to  works  of  charity.  She 
passed  her  days  in  visiting  the  sick,  in  relieving  the 
poor  ;  in  giving  generous  help  to  those  who  suffered 
for  their  faith,  and  in  writing  the  most  beautiful 
and  inspiring  letters  to  all  who  needed  help  and 
comfort. 

**  Avoiding  the  acquaintance  of  mere  worldly  per- 
sons, she  took  part  in  the  meetings  of  a  select  society, 
mostly  under  the  influence  of  Valdes,  who  considered 
religious  subjects  and  made  a  constant  study  of  the 


REFORMATION  AT  NAPLES  229 

Holy  Scriptures — that  volume  of  heavenly  refresh- 
ment, the  aliment  of  the  perfect." 

As  the  biographer  of  Ariosto  says :  **  She  now 
spent  all  her  time  in  holy  thoughts,  turning  to  the 
sacred  Word,  with  a  pure  and  sincere  mind/* 

Ariosto  himself  had  sung  her  praise  in  earlier  days 
and  in  far  other  words  : 

"  Behold  her  whom  all  combine  to  admire,  Greeks 
and  Barbarians  and  Latins ;  never  was  there  one  of 
higher  renown  than  Giulia  Gonzaga,  who  from  her 
feet  to  those  serene  and  beautiful  eyes,  to  none  may 
yield  the  crown  of  beauty,  but  as  though  she  had 
descended  from  heaven,  like  unto  a  goddess  is  by  all 
admired/' 

Bernardo  Tasso,  speaking  of  her  splendid  Court  at 
Fondi,  cannot  praise  her  beauty  enough,  and  after 
describing  all  her  charms  he  adds  : 

"  As  her  feet  pass  over  the  grass,  flowers  spring  up, 
and  those  who  behold  her  declare  that  she  is  the 
sister  or  the  daughter  of  Spring.  .  ,  .  Blessed  spirits 
rejoice  in  her  radiance  .  .  .  and  he  who  listens  to  her 
angelic  voice  will  hear  no  such  divine  words  amongst 
other  mortals.  .  .  .  The  glorious  name  of  Giulia 
will  live  so  long  as  the  sun  spreads  forth  his  golden 
rays.  .  .  .'" 

Porrino  says  of  the  same  period  : 

"  Her  gentle  ways  and  her  smiles  revealed  a  garden 
of  roses  and  violets — a  terrestrial  and  celestial  para- 


230  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

dise.  .  .  .  That  was  indeed  the  true  Golden  Age,  and 
happy  were  they  of  Fondi." 

Many  another  poet  had  sung  the  praise  of  Giuha 
Gonzaga,  but  the  "  Alfabeta  Cristiano  "  shows  her  to 
us — still  in  the  prime  of  her  wealth  and  beauty — 
with  a  new  ambition  and  a  changed  outlook  upon 
life. 


CHAPTER   XX 

VALD^S   AND   GIULIA   GONZAGA 

The  religious  teaching  of  Vald6s — His  devoted  circle  of  friends  at 
his  home  in  Chiaja — The  "  Cento  e  dieci  Divine  Consideratione  " 
— They  were  highly  praised  by  Nicolas  Ferrar  and  George  Herbert 
— Vald6s  dedicates  his  "  Studies  on  the  Epistles "  to  Giulia 
Gonzaga — Vittoria  Colonna,  Costanza  d'Avalos,  Isabella  Brisegna 
and  other  noble  ladies  amongst  his  disciples — Death  of  Vald^c^ 
1541 — Various  letters  of  Giulia. 

Juan  de  Valdes  had  taken  up  his  abode  near 
Naples,  in  the  beautiful  suburb  of  Chiaja,  and  here  he 
was  in  the  habit  of  receiving  his  friends  for  rehgious 
discussion  and  study,  on  that  lovely  shore  over- 
looking the  Bay  of  Naples.  Here  at  various  times 
were  gathered  together  the  most  cultured  and  devout 
men  and  women  of  the  period  ;  amongst  whom  were 
Pietrantonio  di  Capua,  Archbishop  of  Otranto,  Pietro 
Paolo  Vergerio,  Bishop  of  Capo  dl stria  ;  Marcantonio 
Flaminio,  the  poet  who  translated  various  books  of 
Valdes  from  Spanish  into  Italian,  his  friend  Gian 
Francesco  d'Alois  (H  Caserto),  Giangaleazzo  Carac- 
ciolo,  nephew  of  Paul  IV ;  Donato  Rullo,  an  intimate 
friend  of  Cardinal  Pole,  Mario  Galeotto,  an  Aca- 
demician ;  Don  Placido  de  Sanguine,  Principal  of 
the  Academy  of  Sereni,  Peter  Martyr  Vermigli, 
whose  story  has  been  already  told,  D.  Germano 
Minadois  and  Sigismondo  Mignoz,  Governors  of  the 
Hospital  for  Incurables,  where  Giulia  was  a  constant 

?31 


232  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

visitor ;  and  many  others  who  might  pass  through 
Naples,  Hke  Bernardino  Ochino.  Amongst  these,  not 
the  least  important  was  Pietro  Carnesecchi,  who  came 
to  pay  a  visit  to  Giulia  Gonzaga  in  1540,  and  was 
introduced  to  Valdes  by  her. 

We  have  already  mentioned  most  of  the  ladies 
who  became  his  earnest  disciples.  Sunday  was  a 
favourite  day  for  these  religious  meetings,  where 
Valdes  read  aloud  a  paper  on  some  subject  suggested 
by  one  of  the  company,  on  which  he  had  been  thinking 
during  the  week,  and  it  is  believed  that  from  these 
conversations  arose  that  wonderful  book  "  Le  cento  e 
dieci  Divine  Consideratione."  This  was  originally 
written  in  Spanish,  and  like  all  his  writings  translated 
into  Italian ;  it  was  at  first  handed  round  amongst 
his  friends  in  manuscript,  as  it  was  not  published 
until  1550,  at  Basle.  It  is  interesting  to  know  that 
this  book  was  introduced  into  England  by  Nicholas 
Ferrar,  who  saw  it  when  he  was  travelling  in  Spain. 
He  sent  it  to  his  friend  George  Herbert,  who  thus 
writes  in  praise  of  it : 

"  Bemerton,  near  Salisbttey, 

"September  29,  1632. 

"...  I  wish  you  by  all  means  to  publish  the  '  Divine 
Considerations,"  for  these  three  eminent  things  ob- 
servable therein ;  First,  that  God,  in  the  midst  of 
Popery,  should  open  the  eyes  of  one  to  understand 
and  express  so  clearly  and  excellently  the  intent  of 
the  Gospel  in  the  acceptation  of  Christ's  righteousness 
(as  he  showeth  throughout  all  his '  Considerations  ') — 
a  thing  strangely  buried  and  darkened  by  the  ad- 
versaries, and  their  great  stumbling-block. 

*'  Secondly,  the  great  honour  and  reverence  which 


VALDES  AND  GIULIA  GONZAGA      233 

he  everywhere  bears  towards  our  dear  Master  and 
Lord,  concluding  every  *  Consideration  '  almost,  with 
His  holy  name  and  setting  forth  His  merit  so  piously  ; 
for  the  which  I  do  so  love  him,  that  were  there 
nothing  else,  I  would  print  it,  that  with  it  the  honour 
of  my  Lord  might  be  published. 

**  Thirdly,  the  many  pious  rules  of  ordering  our 
life,  about  mortification  and  observation  of  God's 
kingdom  within  us,  and  the  working  thereof,  of  which 
he  was  a  very  diligent  observer.  .  .  . 

"  George  Herbert." 

The  "Divine  Considerations"  of  Valdes  was 
published  at  Oxford  in  1638,  enriched  with  full  notes 
by  George  Herbert,  and  I  need  not  dwell  much  more 
upon  this  work,  from  which  so  many  earnest  Eeformers 
in  Italy  drew  their  inspiration.  It  was  long  circulated 
in  manuscript  copies  amongst  the  disciples  of  Valdes, 
and  was  not  published  until  Vergerio  carried  it  to 
Hamburg  in  1558. 

"  In  this  beautiful  work,  Valdes  preaches  such 
purity  of  intention  and  thought,  such  sacrifice  of 
mere  distinction  of  rank  and  honour,  such  quiet 
sufiering  of  injury,  such  a  manner  of  beholding  Christ 
in  God,  and  again  God  in  Christ,  as  clearly  to  show 
that  the  religion  of  Valdes — his  religion  of  the  heart — 
was  indeed  the  religion  of  the  New  Testament.  It 
was  so  in  its  spiritual  meaning,  and  this  brought  him 
to  receive  the  doctrine  of  Justification  by  Faith  alone, 
in  a  deeper  and  more  intimate  manner  than  that  of 
Luther.  .  .  .  This  Valdes  taught  to  others  in  the  name 
of  his  Divine  Master,  in  the  dwelling  house,  or  walking 
by  the  way,  and  often,  for  those  who  had  an  ear  to 
hear,  by  parable.  .  .  .*' 


234  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Amongst  the  other  writings  of  Juan  de  Valdes, 
there  were  various  translations  of  the  Psalms  from  the 
original  Hebrew,  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew  and  the 
Epistles  of  the  Romans,  translated  from  the  Greek. 
We  are  told  that  Michelangelo  loved  to  hear  this  last 
read  aloud  in  the  company  of  Vittoria  Colonna,  at 
Monte  Cavallo,  within  the  Convent  of  San  Silvestro. 
Almost  all  these  annotated  translations  of  Valdes, 
were  dedicated  with  long  and  interesting  letters,  to 
the  Countess  Giulia,  whose  keen  sympathy  and 
unfailing  appreciation  had  been  of  so  much  value  to 
him.  It  may  be  interesting  to  quote  from  one  of 
these. 

"  To  the  Most  Illustrious  Lady  Giulia  Gonzaga. 

"  Being  persuaded,  Illustrious  Lady,  that  the 
continual  reading  of  the  Psalms  of  David — which  I 
sent  you  last  year  translated  from  the  Hebrew  into 
Spanish — has  formed  your  mind  to  so  deep  and  holy 
a  trust  in  God,  as  David  had  .  .  .  desiring  that  you 
may  go  forward  on  the  sacred  way,  ...  I  now  send 
you  these  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  translated  from  Greek 
into  Spanish.  .  .  .  Read  them,  I  pray  you,  with  earnest 
devotion  .  .  .  and  seek  to  follow  in  the  steps  of  St. 
Paul,  inasmuch  as  you  see  him  imitate  Christ.  Strive 
ever  to  grow  in  likeness  to  Christ,  and  thus  recover 
the  image  of  God  in  which  the  first  man  was  created. 
...  I  only  wish  you  to  take  David  and  St.  Paul  as 
examples  until  they  lead  you  upwards  to  the  likeness 
of  Christ." 

One  of  the  most  striking  illustrations  of  the  en- 
thusiasm aroused  by  the  teaching  of  Valdes,  we  find 
in  the  immense  success  of  a  book  written  by  one  of 


VALDES  AND  GIULIA  GONZAGA       235 

his  disciples:  "II  Beneficio  della  morte  di  Cristo." 
This  is  believed  to  have  been  written  by  Benedetto 
of  Mantua,  a  Benedictine  monk,  in  his  monastery  on 
the  slopes  of  Mount  Etna.  It  was  revised  by  the  poet 
Marcantonio  Flaminio,  and  first  distributed  in  manu- 
script in  1540  ;  and  printed  in  Venice  and  at  Rome 
in  1544,  when  40,000  copies  were  sold  throughout 
Italy.  Of  this  "  httle  golden  book,'"  it  is  said : 
'*  Nothing  was  ever  printed  so  simply  pious  and 
simple,  or  so  adapted  to  teach  the  weak  and  ig- 
norant.'' 

It  is  spoken  of  as  the  **  Credo  "  of  the  Italian 
Reformation,  and  to  this  fact  the  Inquisition  soon 
awoke.  It  was  placed  on  the  "  Index  "  in  1549,  and 
such  relentless  effort  was  made  to  stamp  it  out,  that 
it  was  long  believed  that  every  volume  had  been 
destroyed.  But  in  recent  years  a  copy  was  found 
in  the  Library  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  and 
several  others  are  known  to  exist. 

Juan  de  Valdes  died  in  1541,  the  year  before  the 
Inquisition  had  been  established  in  Rome,  and  he 
was  thus  saved  from  the  most  overwhelming  storm 
of  persecution  which  followed  so  soon  after.  The 
loving  affection  in  which  his  memory  was  held  by 
those  who  had  been  privileged  to  listen  to  his  teaching 
is  well  shown  in  a  letter  written  by  the  historian 
Giacomo  Bonfadio  to  his  friend  Carnesecchi,  who 
was  then  at  Florence. 

"  To  Monsignor  Carnesecchi. 

"  Laoo  di  Gaud  a. 
"...  I  hear  that  you  have  been  ill.  .  .  .  May  God 
preserve  your  life  as  the  Romans  watched  over  that 
statue  which  fell  from  heaven  ;   may  He  protect  you 


236  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

for  our  sake,  that  one  of  the  brightest  lights  in 
Tuscany  be  not  extinguished.  .  .  .  May  you  enjoy  your 
wonted  cheerfulness,  as  in  the  days  when  we  were  in 
Naples  in  the  house  of  Signor  Valdes.  Would  that 
we  were  now  in  that  happy  company  !  I  know  your 
ardent  longing  for  that  fair  country,  and  how  often 
Chiaja  and  the  beautiful  Posilipo  are  in  your  thoughts. 
I  cannot  deny  that  Florence  is  beautiful,  but  the 
charm  of  Naples  with  its  lovely  shore  and  eternal 
Spring,  far  excels.  There  Nature  rules  with  more 
entrancing  sway,  filling  the  land  with  joy  and  glad- 
ness. If  you  were  now  at  the  windows  of  that  lonely 
tower,  so  often  praised  by  us,  looking  round  upon 
those  sunny  gardens  and  beyond  on  the  broad 
expanse  of  that  glittering  sea,  a  thousand  dear 
memories  would  refresh  your  heart.  I  remember 
when  you  left,  that  you  promised  to  return  and 
prayed  me  to  do  so. 

"  Would  to  God  that  we  could  recall  those  happy 
days  !  But  where  should  we  go,  now  that  Signor 
Valdes  is  dead  ?  This  has  been  a  great  loss  for  us 
and  for  the  world,  for  the  Signor  Juan  de  Valdes  was 
one  of  the  rare  men  of  Europe.  The  writings  which 
he  has  left  us  do  indeed  prove  this ;  he  was  alike  in 
words  and  deeds  and  in  all  his  teaching,  a  most 
perfect  man.  He  gave  no  thought  or  care  to  his  frail 
body  ;  his  noble  spirit  was  devoted  to  the  high  con- 
templation of  truth  and  of  things  divine.  ...  I  sym- 
pathise most  deeply  with  Messer  Marcantonio,  because 
he  loved  and  admired  our  dear  friend,  even  more 
than  any  one  else.  .  .  . 

"  GlACOMO   BONFADIO." 

One  of  the  most  interestmg  of  the  disciples  of 


VALDES  AND  GIULIA  GONZAGA      237 

Valdes,  was  the  poet  Marcantonio  Flaminio,  whose 
full  story  has  already  been  told,  in  an  earlier  part  of 
this  book.  After  the  death  of  the  great  Spanish 
teacher,  he  had  joined  the  circle  at  Viterbo — a  kind 
of  revival  of  the  earlier  '*  Divine  Oratory  '"  of  earnest 
reformers  within  the  Church  at  Rome.  As  years 
passed  on,  the  poet's  work  had  become  more  deeply 
religious,  and  he  spoke  out  the  truth  which  he  be- 
lieved, so  boldly,  that  his  writings  were  put  on  the 
Index  by  Paul  IV.  Yet  the  persuasion  of  Cardinal 
Pole  appears  to  have  prevented  him  from  openly 
leaving  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  it  was  in  the  house 
of  this  old  friend  that  he  died  in  1549,  loved  and 
lamented  by  all  who  knew  him — both  by  Catholics 
and  Reformers.  His  letters,  of  which  so  many  have 
been  preserved,  reveal  the  secret  of  the  affection 
which  was  felt  for  him,  alike  in  their  warm  sympathy, 
their  humility  and  absence  of  self-consciousness,  and 
the  spiritual  and  mystical  beauty  of  the  thoughts 
expressed. 

Amongst  other  disciples  of  Valdes  and  friends  of 
Giulia  Gonzaga  at  Naples,  was  the  noble  Costanza 
d'Avalos,  a  cousin  of  Vittoria  Colonna,  and  wife  of 
Alfonso  Piccolomini,  Duke  of  Amahi,  who  was  a 
grand-nephew  of  Pope  Pius  III.  Her  life  had  been 
a  stormy  and  not  a  happy  one.  Her  husband  was 
a  man  wanting  in  strength  and  firmness  of  character 
who,  when  he  had  been  raised  to  the  post  of  Captain- 
General  of  the  forces  of  Siena,  was  unable  to  do 
justice  to  the  important  position.  He  was  dismissed 
by  the  Emperor  in  1541,  and  his  career  being  now  at 
an  end,  he  retired  with  his  wife  to  the  island  of  Nisida, 
near  Naples,  and  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  dis- 
appointment and  exile.     This  island  was  the  '*  Nesis  '* 


238  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

of  Strabo,  an  ancient  volcanic  crater,  and  Cicero 
gives  us  a  touching  account  of  the  retirement  in  a 
villa  here  of  another  exile,  Brutus,  who  came  here 
after  the  assassination  of  Caesar — and  the  story  of 
his  parting  with  Portia. 

The  Duchess  of  Amalfi  found  occupation  and 
happiness  in  the  care  of  her  young  children,  Inigo 
and  Vittoria,  and  amused  her  leisure  in  writing 
poetry  said  to  be  "  rich  in  noble  sentiments  and 
Christian  piety."  She  was  near  enough  to  Naples 
to  take  part  in  the  religious  meetings  of  Valdes  in 
company  with  her  friend  Giulia,  to  whom  she  was 
much  devoted.  When  she  was  left  a  widow  later, 
she  followed  the  example  of  so  many  noble  ladies, 
and  retired  to  the  Convent  of  Santa  Chiara,  in  Naples. 
Vittoria  Colonna  had  been  a  frequent  guest  in  her 
island  home. 

Another  still  more  intimate  friend  of  the  Countess 
of  Fondi  was  Isabella  Brisegna,  the  wife  of  Garzia  de 
Manrique,  the  Spanish  Governor  of  Piacenza,  and 
sister-in-law  of  the  famous  Inquisitor  Alonso  de 
Manrique,  Archbishop  of  Seville.  She  was  so  ardent 
and  devoted  a  student  of  the  Reformed  doctrines  and 
a  lady  of  so  much  learning  and  intelligence,  that 
Curione  dedicated  to  her  the  first  edition  of  Olympia 
Morata's  writings.  Her  husband,  the  Governor  of 
Piacenza,  was  strongly  opposed  to  her  religious 
principles,  and  she  had  to  endure  most  cruel  persecu- 
tion, in  which  her  only  comfort  was  the  tender 
sympathy  of  Giulia  Gonzaga,  who  wrote  to  her 
constantly  the  most  inspiring  and  encouraging  letters. 
These  were  usually  written  in  a  special  cypher  and 
were  sent  by  sure  messengers  that  they  might  run 
no  risk  of  danger  to  Isabella.     But  at  length  the 


VALDES  AND  GIULIA  GONZAGA       239 

poor  lady  could  no  longer  endure  her  sufferings,  and 
she  took  refuge  first  at  Naples,  from  whence  she  was 
compelled  to  take  flight  to  Eavenna,  and  ultimately- 
escaped  to  Zurich.  Here  in  a  free  country,  Isabella 
dared  openly  to  confess  her  faith,  and  she  was  sup- 
ported by  the  generosity  of  Giulia  Gonzaga,  who 
settled  on  her  a  sufficient  income  for  her  wants,  as 
she  so  often  had  occasion  to  do  for  other  friends 
who  had  fled  for  their  faith. 

Sometimes  Giulia  felt  that  she  had  more  stern 
duties  towards  her  friends  and  dependants,  as  for 
instance  we  see  in  a  letter  which  she  wrote  to  a 
certain  Livia  Negra,  who  was  apparently  holding 
foolish  superstitions.     She  writes  : 

"...  I  have  learnt  with  great  displeasure  that  a 
certain  rogue  of  an  alchemist  has  come  to  you,  and 
with  false  persuasion  has  so  perverted  your  mind  as 
to  make  you  believe  that  one  element  can  be  trans- 
muted into  another — that  from  a  branch,  silver  may 
be  made,  and  that  silver  can  be  converted  into  gold. 
It  is  certainly  a  strange  thing  that  these  thieves, 
beggars  and  fools  should  wish  to  enrich  someone  else, 
and  should  care  more  for  the  poverty  and  misery  of 
others  than  for  their  own  beggarly  condition  !  What 
mad  credulity  is  ours  !  How  infinite  is  the  cupidity 
of  mortals  !  For  what  should  we  do  if  we  had  to 
remain  in  this  world  perpetually,  when  we  cannot 
inhabit  a  house  for  three  days  without  being  dis- 
satisfied. 

"...  We  cannot  remember  that  we  are  mortal ; 
and  that  we  have  one  day  to  leave  all  things  behind 
us ;  for  naked  we  came  into  this  world,  and  naked 
we  shall  depart  hence AVould  you  Hke  me,  Madonna 


240  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Livia,  to  teach  you  a  true  and  beautiful  alchemy  ? 
Lay  up  for  yourself  treasure  in  Heaven,  where  thieves 
do  not  break  through  and  steal,  where  the  rust  doth 
not  consume,  nor  the  moth  gnaw  and  destroy.  That 
which  is  acquired  by  evil  means  is  no  gain,  but  a 
great  and  dangerous  loss.  The  promises  of  the 
alchemists  are  like  those  of  the  astrologers,  who  boast 
that  they  can  foretell  future  things,  and  do  not  even 
know  the  present  or  the  past ;  yet  they  dare  to  profess 
that  they  can  reveal  heavenly  matters  as  if  they  were 
present  at  the  council  of  God.  I  do  not  really  know 
whether  their  fraud  is  more  shameful,  or  our  folly  in 
believing,  as  we  do,  that  which  is  worthy  of  all 
contempt.  Look  within  yourself,  my  dear  Madonna 
Livia,  and  if  your  power  does  not  correspond  to 
your  desires,  at  least  place  a  rein  upon  them,  and 
then  you  will  not  devote  yourself  to  alchemy.'' 

This  is  the  letter  of  one  far  advanced  beyond  the 
superstition  of  her  day,  and  we  see  her  courage  equal 
to  her  intellect. 


J2£^ta/-Ai//'->r, 


CHAPTER   XXI 

GIULIA  GONZAGA 

Giulia  Gonzaga  has  the  care  of  her  nephew  Vespasiano,  son  of  her 
brother  Luigi  (Rodomonte)  Gonzaga — Devotes  herself  to  hia 
education  and  career — Vespasiano  enters  the  service  of  Charles  V, 
and  later  of  Philip  II — Attempt  to  force  the  Inquisition  on 
Naples  is  frustrated — Letters  of  Giulia — Her  faiUng  health — 
Ippolita  Gonzaga — Death  of  Giulia  Gonzaga,  1566. 

After  the  death  of  Valdes,  in  1541,  the  httle  company 
of  devout  students  who  had  looked  upon  him  as  their 
master,  was  in  a  great  measure  dispersed,  many  of 
them  joining  the  "  Oratory  of  Divine  Love "  at 
Viterbo. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  a  change  came  over  the 
life  of  Giulia  Gonzaga,  and  other  duties  claimed  her 
attention.  Her  stepdaughter,  Isabella  Colonna,  the 
widow  of  her  dearly-loved  brother  Luigi  Rodomonte, 
having  married  again,  the  care  of  Luigi's  only  son 
had  devolved  upon  his  aunt  Giulia,  after  the  death  of 
her  own  father  Lodovico  Gonzaga.  The  boy  was 
now  almost  ten  years  old,  and  required  special  care 
to  fit  him  for  his  splendid  position  as  heir  to  his 
Gonzaga  father  and  Colonna  grandfather.  The 
Countess  of  Fondi  therefore  left  her  rooms  in  the 
Convent  of  San  Francesco,  where  she  had  passed  a 
secluded  life  for  five  years,  and  took  up  her  abode 
in  a  spacious  palace  of  the  Borgo  della  Vergine. 

Vespasiano  Gonzaga  Colonna  appears  to  have  been 

16  241 


242  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

an  extremely  intelligent  and  gifted  child,  resembling 
his  father  in  his  splendid  personal  appearance  and 
showing  already  a  strong  taste  for  horsemanship 
and  everything  connected  with  the  use  of  arms. 
Giulia  was  devotedly  attached  to  him,  and  spared 
no  trouble  with  regard  to  his  training  and  education. 
It  was  for  his  sake  that  she  once  more  held  a  stately 
Court,  and  gathered  around  her  a  circle  of  distin- 
guished philosophers,  poets  and  artists,  including 
also  friends  of  her  own  reformed  opinions.  In  this 
literary  society  we  find  Annibale  Caro  a  friend  of  the 
poet  Molza,  Claudio  Tolomei  the  poet  and  meta- 
physician, Dionigi  Atanagi  the  Platonist,  and  II 
Tansillo,  an  old  friend  of  the  Countess  since  her 
Fondi  period.  The  Ambassador  of  the  Emperor, 
Camillo  Capilupi,  Governor  of  Monferrato,  was  also 
a  frequent  guest,  and  being  a  poet  as  well  as  a  diplo- 
matist, he  wrote  a  charming  sonnet  in  praise  of  his 
hostess. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Titian  painted  a  portrait 
of  Giulia,  which  has  unfortunately  entirely  dis- 
appeared. In  this  circle  of  interesting  people,  the 
young  Vespasiano  was  encouraged  to  take  his  part 
in  the  various  discussions  and  conversations ;  a 
training  which  made  him  a  most  accomplished  and 
delightful  companion  in  courtly  society,  in  the  days 
to  come.  Of  course  the  only  career  open  to  this 
young  prince  was  that  of  arms,  and  two  or  three 
years  later  his  aunt  Giulia  took  advantage  of  her 
friendship  with  the  Emperor,  to  obtain  a  post  in  his 
household  as  page  of  honour  to  Prince  Philip,  as  a 
first  stage.  When  Giulia  took  leave  of  the  boy,  she 
gave  him  much  motherly  advice,  bidding  him  "  faith- 
fully serve  his  God  and  his  Prince,  holding  honour 


GIULIA  GONZAGA  243 

above  all  things.  He  must  never  forget  to  be  modest 
in  speech  and  brave  in  action ;  he  must  be  true  and 
generous,  avoiding  alike  flattery  and  conceit,  and 
showing  knightly  courtesy  to  all  men/' 

The  young  Vespasiano  had  been  brought  up  to 
admire  above  all  things  the  gallant  deeds  of  his  father 
which  he  desired  to  emulate  in  the  future ;  and  he 
found  the  Court  of  the  Emperor  an  excellent  school 
of  manners  and  discipline.  He  continued  his  studies 
with  the  other  noble  pages,  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
give  great  satisfaction,  while  he  became  a  special 
favourite  of  Prince  Philip. 

A  cousin  of  Giulia  Gonzaga,  Don  Ferrante  Gonzaga, 
Governor  of  Sicily,  was  a  most  intimate  friend  of  hers, 
and  she  took  great  interest  in  his  young  children, 
more  especially  the  third  daughter  Ippolita,  who 
remained  with  her  for  several  years  and  to  whom 
she  became  very  much  devoted.  She  grew  up  a 
beautiful  and  highly  accomplished  girl,  and  would 
probably  have  married  Vespasiano,  had  not  the 
Emperor  chosen  another  bridegroom  for  her,  Fabrizio 
Colonna,  Duke  of  TagUacozza,  to  whom  she  was 
married  some  years  later.  After  three  years  of 
happy  wedded  hfe,  he  was  killed  at  the  ill-fated  siege 
of  Parma,  and  of  Ippolita's  later  troubles  we  shall 
hear  more. 

In  1546,  Giulia  Gonzaga  was  persuaded  to  pay  a 
visit  to  her  old  home  in  Lombardy,  and  stayed  with 
her  young  cousin  Carlo  Gonzaga  in  the  Castello  of 
Gazzuolo.  Many  sad  changes  had  taken  place ;  her 
dear  grandmother,  the  wonderful  old  lady  Antonia 
del  Balzo,  had  passed  away  at  the  age  of  ninety-five  ; 
her  brother  Cagnino  had  also  died,  and  her  father 
the   Abate   Lodovico   had   soon   followed   him — all 


244  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

within  three  years.  Her  sisters  were  married  and 
settled  in  their  distant  homes,  and  the  friend  of  her 
youth  who  had  taken  her  on  that  eventful  visit  to 
Rome  in  1525,  Isabella  d'Este,  had  passed  away  full 
of  years  and  honours.  Her  son  Federico  had  been 
made  Duke  of  Mantua,  and  had  married  the  charming 
young  Princess  Margherita  Paleologa,  who  became 
warmly  attached  to  Giulia  Gonzaga,  as  we  see  by 
their  long  and  intimate  correspondence.  When  Giulia 
returned  to  Naples,  she  was  grieved  to  hear  of  the  in- 
creasing ill-health  of  another  friend,  Vittoria  Colonna, 
who  died  in  Rome  in  February  1547. 

At  this  period,  there  was  general  unrest  and 
threatened  trouble  on  every  side.  The  death  of 
Henry  VIII,  and  of  Franyois  I — both  early  this  year — 
left  England  and  France  in  weaker  hands,  and  en- 
couraged alike  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope  to  stronger 
measures.  Paul  III  thought  that  now  would  be  a 
good  time  to  extend  the  Roman  Inquisition  to  Naples, 
and  in  May  1547,  he  sent  a  Brief  to  the  Viceroy, 
Don  Pedro  de  Toledo,  "  commanding  that  all  cases 
of  heresy  should  be  judged  by  the  tribunal  of  the 
Inquisition.''  Knowing  the  temper  of  the  city  with 
regard  to  this,  Toledo  did  not  dare  to  publish  the 
Brief  as  usual  by  sound  of  trumpet ;  but  he  had  it 
quietly  put  up  on  the  door  of  the  Archbishop's  palace, 
and  then  retreated  to  his  castle  at  Pozzuoli,  at  the 
foot  of  Monte  Nuovo,  to  await  the  result.  This  was 
more  serious  than  he  had  feared,  for  the  paper  was  at 
once  torn  down  by  the  populace,  who  when  attacked 
by  the  soldiery,  refused  to  give  up  the  ringleaders. 

A  deputation  was  sent  to  the  Viceroy,  headed  by 
Antonio  Grisone,  who  pointed  out  how  hateful  the 
very  name  of  the  Inquisition  was  to  the  people,  and 


GIULIA  GONZAGA  245 

implored  him  not  to  carry  out  this  cruel  act  of  op- 
pression. Toledo,  thoroughly  alarmed,  made  a  most 
diplomatic  reply,  and  for  the  present,  the  matter  was 
dropped. 

But  the  peace  was  of  short  duration,  for  some 
months  later,  another  and  more  violent  edict  was 
found  posted  outside  the  palace  of  the  Archbishop. 
The  whole  city  rose  in  tumult  with  cries  of  *'  To 
arms  !  to  arms  !  "  and  the  Pope's  Brief  was  again 
torn  down.  The  nobles  joined  with  the  people  in 
furious  opposition,  while  still  declaring  their  faithful 
allegiance  to  the  Emperor.  The  Viceroy,  who  had 
now  collected  a  strong  armed  force,  at  once  returned 
to  Naples  to  put  down  the  rebellion  by  force  of 
arms.  He  had  sent  for  Spanish  troops  from  Genoa  to 
occupy  the  fortress  of  Castel  Nuovo,  whence  they 
entered  Naples,  fired  on  the  inhabitants,  and  ulti- 
mately sacked  the  city  ;  killing  men,  women  and 
children.  The  Neapolitans  had  already  rung  the 
great  bell  of  San  Lorenzo,  to  summon  all  possible 
help,  and  the  night  closed  in  tumult  and  confusion. 

During  the  next  fifteen  days,  the  fighting  continued, 
with  deadly  skirmishes  between  the  soldiers  and  the 
people.  The  magistrates  decided  to  send  an  embassy 
to  the  Emperor  ;  and  in  order  to  show  that  this  was 
no  mere  seditious  rising,  they  had  already  hoisted  a 
banner  on  the  belfry  of  San  Lorenzo  with  the  Imperial 
arms  and  the  watchword  :  "  Spain  and  the  Emperor." 
Charles  V  was  wise  enough  to  bow  before  the  storm, 
the  envoys  came  back  with  a  message  of  conciliation, 
and  no  further  attempt  was  made  during  that  reign, 
to  establish  the  Inquisition  in  Naples. 

Meantime  Giulia  Gonzaga,  with  all  her  household 
and   many   ladies  amongst  her   friends,   had   been 


246  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

persuaded  to  take  refuge  in  the  Island  of  Ischia, 
during  the  disturbances.  She  wrote  to  Ferrante 
Gonzaga : 

"...  I  have  been  in  Ischia  for  the  last  twenty 
days,  having  been  induced  to  come  here  by  all  those 
who  love  me,  and  indeed  we  were  in  a  most  perilous 
condition  in  Naples  ...  in  the  Convent  where  I  was 
staying.  .  .  .  The  great  danger  for  the  city  was  the 
sacking  and  pillage,  but  the  people  behaved  wonder- 
fully well. . . .  Your  Lordship  may  think  otherwise,  but 
to  me  it  seems  that  the  rigour  of  justice  is  not  good  at 
all  times  ;  this  rule  of  violence  cannot  last.  I  and 
many  ladies  are  in  the  Castello,  and  the  rest  of  my 
people  in  another  house  on  the  estate,  and  the  Signora 
Marchese  shows  me  the  greatest  kindness,  and  does 
all  that  is  possible  for  me.  I  hope  to  leave  as  soon 
as  the  city  has  returned  to  its  obedience,  as  it  has 
always  offered  to  do  on  hearing  the  command  of  His 
Majesty.  .  .  ." 

When  the  troubles  in  Naples  had  passed  over, 
Giulia  returned  to  the  city,  and  spent  most  of  her 
time  at  the  convent  of  San  Francesco,  although  she 
always  kept  up  her  establishment  in  the  palace  of 
the  Borge  delle  Vergine,  both  for  the  sake  of  her  old 
servants ;  also  that  there  might  always  be  a  home 
ready  for  her  nephew  Vespasiano,  and  where  she 
might  continue  to  show  her  princely  hospitality  to 
all  her  friends  who  visited  Naples.  The  Countess  was 
not  destined  to  see  much  of  her  nephew,  who  as  he 
grew  up  was  always  engaged  in  military  service  under 
the  Emperor,  and  later  of  Philip  II  of  Spain.  He 
had  now  inherited  the  dominions  of  his  Gonzaga 


GIULTA  GONZAGA  247 

grandfather  at  Sabbioneta,  and  in  1559,  at  the  age 
of  eighteen  and  a  half,  he  made  a  rash  and  hasty 
marriage  with  a  Signora  Diana  Cardona,  whom  he 
had  met  at  Mantua.  This  was  a  great  disappointment 
to  his  aunt,  who  had  given  much  anxious  thought  to 
the  important  question  of  his  marriage.  But  she 
wrote  kind  letters  to  Diana,  who  appears  to  have  had 
rather  a  lonely  and  neglected  life  at  Sabbioneta,  while 
her  young  husband  was  much  away  serving  the 
interests  of  Philip  11.  Her  strange  and  tragic  end 
in  1550  is  surrounded  by  mystery,  but  the  general 
belief  is  that  the  erring  wife  paid  for  her  misconduct 
with  her  life. 

We  have  no  space  here  for  the  story  of  Vespasiano's 
eventful  life,  his  matrimonial  experiences,  the  mar- 
vellous city  of  Sabbioneta  which  seemed  to  rise  like 
magic  at  his  command,  and  the  flamboyant  mag- 
nificence of  his  whole  career,  which  is  fully  related 
elsewhere.^ 

We  are  only  now  concerned  with  Vespasiano  in  so 
far  as  his  story  af!ects  that  of  his  devoted  aunt  and 
adopted  mother.  There  is  a  hint  of  coming  trouble 
in  one  of  her  letters  to  him :  "I  wish  well  to  the 
Signora  Donna  Diana,  and  therefore  pray  you  to  take 
care  that  she  controls  herself  .  .  .  and  this  will  be  for 
your  credit  as  well  as  mine.  ..." 

Then,  some  months  later  comes  a  letter  from  the 
young  Lord  of  Sabbioneta. 

"  November  9,  1559. 

**  It  has  pleased  God  to  call  my  wife  to  Himself ; 
she  died  suddenly  of  apoplexy,  without  being  able  to 
speak  a  word." 

^  See  "  A  Princess  of  the  Italian  Reformation,"  Chris  to  pher  Hare. 


248  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

And  after  this,  there  is  silence  for  ever. 

Five  years  later,  Vespasiano  marries  a  charming 
princess  of  the  blood  royal  of  Spain,  Anna  d'Aragona. 
She  has  twin  daughters  and  a  son,  in  whom  the 
Countess  of  Fondi  takes  the  most  tender  and  affection- 
ate interest,  as  we  see  from  her  letters,  and  she  did 
not  live  to  see  the  sad  close  of  this  happy  marriage. 
But  Giulia  had  recently  suffered  another  bereavement 
which  touched  her  closely. 

We  have  seen  with  what  constant  affection  she 
had  watched  over  the  chequered  Hf e  of  her  favourite 
young  cousin  Ippolita  Gonzaga,  who  by  no  choice 
of  her  own  had  been  given  a  second  husband,  the 
Duke  of  Mondragone.  After  a  brief  illness,  IppoHta 
died,  at  the  age  of  twenty-eight,  and  a  friend  of  the 
Countess  of  Fondi,  II  Tansillo,  writes  this  touching 
account  of  her  last  days  : 

'* . . .  God  has  taken  to  himself  this  noble  spirit . . .  , 
the  Princess  having  communicated  on  the  Sunday 
before,  as  though  she  foresaw  what  was  about  to 
happen.  .  .  .  All  the  circumstances  which  can  deepen 
our  sorrow  are  combined  in  this  death  of  Madonna, 
for  she  was  so  young,  so  beautiful,  so  brave,  and 
such  a  rare  and  beautiful  lady  that  the  whole  city  of 
Naples  is  plunged  in  grief.  I  do  not  speak  of  myself, 
although  I  have  received  from  her  grace  and  favour, 
more  suitable  to  the  greatness  of  her  soul  than  to 
my  poor  worth,  and  shall  hold  her  memory  in  eternal 
honour.  May  God  give  her  a  high  place  in  His  glory. 
...  It  is  very  sad  to  see  the  Duke  deprived  of  her 
now,  when  she  is  dearer  to 'him  than  ever.  But  what 
shall  I  say  of  our  Signora  Donna  Giulia,  whom  I  have 
seen  so  tenderly  watching  over  the  poor  girl,  during 


GIULIA  GONZAGA  249 

her  sad  and  painful  journey  hence,  and  who  is  now 
overwhelmed  with  incomparable  sorrow  ?  I  could 
not  look  upon  her  without  tears  .  .  .  and  when  we 
think  that  to  this  is  added  other  losses  of  dear  friends, 
which  has  so  afflicted  the  Signora  Donna  Giulia  that 
she  has  indeed  need  that  God  should  help  her.  Now 
she  has  gone  into  retirement,  and  does  not  receive 
any  visits,  because  in  truth,  she  is  far  from  well. 
May  it  please  God  to  spare  her  to  us  for  many  years, 
as  indeed,  we  cannot  spare  her.  ..." 

A  few  days  later  Luigi  Tansillo  writes  again  : 

"  I  hear  that  our  Signora  is  bearing  her  great  loss 
with  all  the  fortitude  of  her  strong  and  Christian 
spirit.  It  is  four  days  since  I  saw  her.  .  .  .  Our  dear 
Lady  is  wise  with  heavenly  wisdom  .  .  .  may  God 
have  her  in  His  care.'' 

With  gallant  courage,  Giulia  bore  up  against  all 
the  grievous  losses  of  dear  friends  which  crowded 
upon  her  in  those  last  years  :  the  Cardinals  Gonzaga 
and  Seripando,  Luigi  PriuH,  Vergerio,  and  others, 
amongst  them  Bernardino  Ochino,  to  whom  she  had 
always  remained  a  firm  ally,  when  he  was  forsaken  by 
others.  To  the  end,  her  loyalty,  her  faith  and  her 
brave  devotion  never  failed  ;  in  spite  of  her  own 
increasing  ill-health,  her  most  strenuous  efforts  were 
devoted  above  all  to  the  care  and  protection  of  those 
friends  who  had  been  driven  into  exile  for  their  re- 
ligious opinions.  She  found  much  comfort  and 
encouragement  at  this  time,  from  the  letters  of  Pietro 
Carnesecchi,  whom  she  had  introduced  to  Valdes, 
and  whose  story  is  so  important  in  the  history  of  the 


250  ITALIAN  REFOKMATION 

Italian  Reformation,  that  it  will  be  fully  given  in  the 
following  chapters. 

On  January  7,  1566,  Michele  Ghislieri,  the  fanatical 
Inquisitor,  was  elected  Pope,  under  the  title  of  Pius  V, 
and  from  that  moment  every  distinguished  Italian 
who  held  reformed  views  was  in  peril  of  his  hfe.  The 
Countess  of  Fondi  and  her  friends  had  been  specially 
watched  for  years,  and  it  was  no  secret  that  much 
evidence  had  been  stored  up  against  them.  Giulia 
was  earnestly  implored  by  those  who  loved  her,  to 
seek  safety  in  flight  to  a  land  of  freedom,  as  she  had 
helped  so  many  others  to  do.  But  this  step,  she 
firmly  refused  to  take,  as  it  was  needful  for  the  safety 
and  welfare  of  her  friends  that  she  should  remain  at 
her  post.  In  so  many  cases  she  could  be  a  link 
between  the  parted  members  of  a  family  ;  she  could 
help  and  encourage  those  who  were  still  wavering 
and  in  doubt,  and  with  her  large  fortune  she  was 
able  to  supply  the  necessities  of  life  to  many  destitute 
exiles. 

In  this  anxious  time  of  renewed  persecution, 
Giulia 's  health  was  rapidly  failing,  and  she  devoted 
much  thought  to  the  making  of  her  will,  in  order  that 
she  might  continue  as  far  as  possible,  her  good  works 
and  loving  care  for  all  who  had  any  claim  upon  her 
charity.  Her  dearly  loved  nephew,  the  lUustrissimo 
Vespasiano  Gonzaga,  was  made  her  universal  heir, 
with  the  exception  of  all  the  legacies  and  charges 
which  she  enumerates.  Then  follow  minute  directions 
for  the  maintenance  of  her  exiled  friends  and  others, 
with  full  directions  concerning  all  her  dependants 
and  servants,  not  forgetting  certain  slaves  to  whom 
she  gives  their  freedom  besides  making  full  provision 
for  them.    She  desired  to  be  buried  in  the  Church  of 


GIULIA  GONZAGA  251 

the  Monastery  of  San  Francesco  delle  Monache, 
"  whei'e  I  have  lived  for  so  many  years  and  at  present 
dwell/^ 

Vespasiano  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Mantua  : 

"April  1656. 

"  It  has  pleased  our  Lord  that  the  Signora  Donna 
Giulia  Gonzaga,  my  aunt,  has  ended  her  days  in 
the  most  Christian  manner  .  .  .  called  away  to  the 
better  life,  and  leaving  me  stricken  with  the  deepest 
grief.  .  .  /' 

Her  death  was  a  merciful  escape  from  the  cruel 
persecution  which  followed,  and  we  may  imagine 
her  deadly  peril  when  we  hear  that  the  new  Pope,  on 
finding  her  letters  to  Pietro  Carnesecchi,  declared 
**  that  if  he  had  seen  these  sooner,  he  would  have 
taken  good  care  to  burn  her  alive." 

Tasso  has  some  touching  hues  : 

"  Giulia  Gonzaga  .  .  .  che  le  luci  sante 
E  i  suoi  pensier  siccome  strali  al  segno 
Rivolti  a  Dio,  in  lui  viva,  in  se  morta 
Di  nnU'altro  si  ciba,  e  si  consorta." 

("  Giulia  Gonzaga  .  .  .  who  dwelt  in  the  holy  light,  and  whose 
thoughts,  like  arrows  to  the  mark,  turned  to  God  ;  in  Him  she  lived, 
in  Him  she  died,  by  no  other  was  she  nourished,  with  no  other  did  she 
abide.") 


CHAPTER    XXII 

GALEAZZO   CARACCIOLI 

Story  of  Galeazzo  Caraccioli,  a  young  noble  of  Naples — Influence  of 
the  teaching  of  Peter  Martyr — Galeazzo  studies  the  reformed 
doctrines — He  resolves  to  forsake  his  native  land  and  his  family, 
and  travels  to  Geneva,  where  he  can  openly  confess  his  faith — 
Imploring  entreaties  from  his  father  and  his  wife — He  remains 
firm  to  the  end — Half  his  life  spent  in  Geneva. 

Amongst  the  friends  of  Giulia  Gonzaga  at  Naples, 
perhaps  none  was  more  indebted  to  her  for  unfaiHng 
help  and  sympathy  than  the  young  noble  Gian 
Galeazzo  Caraccioli.  He  was  born  at  Naples  in 
January  1517 — the  son  and  heir  of  Colantonio 
Caraccioli,  Marchese  di  Vico,  an  ancient  city  near 
Castellamare,  and  nephew  of  Cardinal  Caraffa,  after- 
wards Pope  Paul  IV. 

Colantonio  was  not  only  of  a  very  old  and  noble 
family,  but  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  service 
of  the  Emperor,  having  been  an  intimate  friend  and 
companion  of  that  Duke  of  Orange  who  was  made 
Captain-General  of  the  Imperial  army,  after  the  death 
of  the  Due  de  Bourbon — at  the  taking  of  Rome  in 
1527.  Colantonio  became  a  great  favourite  with 
Charles  V,  and  after  taking  a  prominent  part  in  the 
siege  of  Florence,  the  title  of  Marchese  was  conferred 
upon  him,  and  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  Pay- 
masters General  to  the  Viceroy  of  Naples.  He  was 
greatly  devoted  to  his  only  son,  and  at  an  early  age, 

253 


GALEAZZO  CARACCIOLI  253 

arranged  for  him  a  marriage  with  Vittoria,  the 
daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Nocera,  with  a  dowry  of 
twenty  thousand  ducats.  Galeazzo  was  in  his  turn, 
received  into  the  service  of  the  Emperor,  who  gave 
him  a  post  at  his  Court,  and  showed  the  gallant  young 
noble  great  honour  and  friendship.  All  things  ap- 
peared to  conspire  for  his  happiness  and  success,  and  a 
prosperous,  easy  life  appeared  to  be  secured  for  him. 

He  was  able  to  spend  much  time  in  his  beautiful 
home  at  Naples,  and  it  so  chanced  that  one  day,  he 
was  persuaded  by  his  friend  and  kinsman,  Gian 
Francesco  di  Caserta,  to  attend  a  sermon  of  Pietro 
Martire  Vermigli  (Peter  Martyr),  a  Florentine,  and 
at  that  time  a  Canon  Regular,  greatly  sought  after 
for  his  wonderful  eloquence.  The  discourse  he  heard 
on  that  occasion  was  on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  to 
the  Corinthians,  and  the  preacher  gave  rather  a 
curious  simile. 

"If  a  man  walking  in  the  country,  sees  in  the 
distance  a  number  of  men  and  women  apparently 
dancing — if  he  can  hear  no  sound  of  music — he  might 
think  them  quite  distracted.  But  on  drawing  nearer, 
the  gay  sound  of  musical  instruments  reaches  his 
ear,  and  the  tune  is  so  attractive  that  he  too  desires 
to  join  in  the  dance.  Thus  it  happens  that,  if  we 
observe  in  others  a  change  in  their  life  and  customs — 
something  quite  unusual — we  may  consider  them 
mad,  but  when  the  sound  of  the  Spirit  of  God  and  of 
His  word,  which  is  true  harmony,  penetrates  our 
hearts,  we  too  understand,  and  join  them,  turning 
aside  from  the  world  and  its  vanities." 

This  simple  allegory  happened  to  excite  the  interest 


254  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

of  Galeazzo,  and  he  had  long  conversations  with  his 
friend  Caserta,  who  was  already  deeply  interested  in 
the  reformed  doctrines,  and  who  introduced  him  to  the 
religious  circle  of  Valdes,  of  whom  he  soon  became  a 
most  ardent  disciple. 

Flaminio  was  at  this  time  in  Naples,  on  account  of 
his  health ;  he  was  extremely  interested  in  the 
enthusiasm  and  quick  understanding  of  young  Carac- 
cioli,  and  wrote  him  later  a  long  and  most  interesting 
letter  of  congratulation  on  the  gift  which  he  had 
received  from  God.  Like  the  rich  young  man  in  the 
Gospel,  Galeazzo  had  "  great  possessions  '' ;  he  was 
the  idol  of  his  father,  he  was  greatly  devoted  to  his 
charming  wife  Vittoria  and  to  his  young  children, 
while  a  peaceful  life  of  happiness,  with  literary 
culture,  many  congenial  friends  and  great  worldly 
success,  seemed  temptingly  outspread  before  him. 

But  he  even  went  farther  than  his  teachers,  for 
when,  in  the  service  of  the  Emperor,  he  had  occasion 
to  travel  into  Germany,  he  learned  from  Peter  Martyr 
and  Luther,  that  it  was  not  enough  for  him  to  accept 
"  justification  by  faith,''  but  that  he  must  also  forsake 
*'  idolatry,"  and  therefore  cast  off  all  allegiance  to 
the  Papacy,  renouncing  even  outward  conformity  to 
superstitious  customs.  This  was  indeed  a  hard 
doctrine,  for  it  must  either  mean  condemnation  and 
death  at  the  hand  of  the  Inquisition,  or  he  must  give 
up  all  that  he  loved  and  take  his  flight  into  a  free 
country ;  thus  choosing  a  life  of  exile  more  painful 
than  death. 

Of  all  his  family,  he  was  the  only  one  troubled  with 
religious  doubts,  or  an  eager  desire  to  learn  the  truth, 
and  every  art  of  persuasion  and  temptation  was 
used  to  win  him  back  to  the  orthodox  belief.    His 


GALEAZZO  CAEACCIOLI  255 

father  treated  his  new  ideas  at  first  with  ridicule, 
for  knowing  what  an  affectionate  and  obedient  son 
he  had  been,  the  Marchese  could  not  believe  that 
he  would  take  any  serious  step  in  the  matter.  But 
as  time  passed  on,  and  Galeazzo  attended  neither 
confession  nor  mass,  gave  up  many  worldly  amuse- 
ments and  steadily  attached  himself  to  the  company 
of  the  Eeformers,  his  father  became  seriously  alarmed 
and  threatened  him  with  punishment  and  even 
imprisonment  if  he  did  not  give  up  these  "  strange 
new  conceits."  He  had  a  still  greater  trial  with  his 
wife,  to  whom  he  was  deeply  attached  ;  for  she  was 
constantly  in  tears,  and  implored  him  not  to  bring 
disgrace  upon  themselves  and  the  noble  families  to 
which  they  were  alHed.  It  needed  all  his  fortitude 
to  stand  firm  against  all  her  loving  entreaties ;  and 
also  to  face  the  ridicule  and  contempt  of  the  young 
companions  with  whom  he  had  been  accustomed  to 
lead  a  gay  and  worldly  life. 

The  difficulty  was  still  greater  when  he  was  at  the 
Court  of  the  Emperor,  who  was  extremely  strict  in 
his  own  religious  observances,  and  required  the  same 
behaviour  from  his  courtiers.  Another  still  more 
dangerous  temptation  was  very  hard  to  resist.  He 
found  that  other  disciples  of  Valdes,  in  Naples,  still 
frequented  the  churches  and  showed  some  measure  of 
outward  conformity,  which  he  himself  felt  to  be 
contrary  to  the  teaching  of  the  German  Protestants. 
In  his  trouble  he  went  to  consult  the  Countess  of 
Fondi,  and  from  her  alone,  he  found  sympathy  and 
encouragement.  She  realised  how  fatal  it  would  be 
for  him  to  act  against  the  dictates  of  his  conscience  ; 
and  as  time  passed  on  and  he  found  his  life  of  inward 
doubt  and  struggle  intolerable,  it  was  from  Giulia's 


256  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

wise  and  strong  support  that  he  gathered  courage  to 
make  the  final  sacrifice,  and  give  up  all  for  his  Faith. 

It  was  in  the  month  of  March,  1551,  when  Galeazzo 
had  attained  his  thirty- fourth  year,  that  he  finally 
made  up  his  mind  to  forsake  his  native  land  and  all 
who  were  dear  to  him.  His  mother  was  long  dead, 
but  his  father's  love  had  been  the  more  devoted  to 
take  her  place,  and  he  knew  that  his  departure  would 
raise  an  impassable  barrier  between  them.  The 
thought  of  leaving  his  wife  was  agony  to  him,  and  it 
was  a  deep  additional  sorrow  to  picture  his  six 
children  deprived  of  his  care  at  an  age  when  they  so 
greatly  needed  him.  At  this  time  the  eldest  was 
fifteen,  the  youngest  barely  four  years  old,  and  in 
the  grief  of  tearing  himself  away  from  them — the 
change  from  his  splendid  palace,  his  delightful  gardens, 
his  many  friends  and  his  high  position — to  a  life  of 
exile  and  poverty,  was  almost  forgotten.  Two  or 
three  of  his  intimate  companions  had  offered  to 
accompany  him,  but  at  the  last  moment,  they  drew 
back  from  the  ordeal. 

But  this  did  not  shake  young  Caraccioli's  resolution ; 
he  left  Naples  on  March  21,  to  travel  in  the  first 
instance  to  the  Court  of  the  Emperor  at  Augsburg, 
as,  if  he  had  publicly  announced  his  purpose,  he  would 
certainly  have  been  arrested.  He  only  took  with 
him  a  sum  of  about  2,000  ducats,  raised  on  the 
property  which  he  had  inherited  from  his  mother,  and 
thus  provided,  set  forth  on  his  pilgrimage.  On  his 
arrival  at  Augsburg,  he  remained  in  the  service  of 
Charles  V,  until  May  26  of  the  same  year,  when  the 
Court  moved  to  the  Netherlands,  and  then  he  took 
his  final  departure,  travelling  to  Geneva,  where  he 
arrived  on  June  8.     He  knew  no  one  in  this  city, 


GALEAZZO  CARACCIOLI  257 

but  two  days  later  he  was  cheered  by  the  arrival  of 
Lactantio  ;^agnoni — a  native  of  Siena,  and  half- 
brother  of  Bernardino  Ochino — whom  Galeazzo  had 
known  at  Naples,  and  who  was  now  a  preacher  to 
the  Italian  congregation  at  Geneva,  having  fled  from 
persecution  in  Italy. 

The  young  noble  was  not  long  in  Geneva  before  he 
was  introduced  to  Calvin  and  other  Reformers,  who 
received  him  with  the  utmost  kindness,  and  he 
resolved  to  take  up  his  abode  in  this  hospitable  city. 
Calvin  was  deeply  interested  in  the  story  of  Galeazzo, 
and  the  friendship  begun  at  this  time  was  only 
dissolved  by  death.  The  great  Reformer  showed  his 
regard  by  dedicating  to  this  friend  the  second  edition 
of  his  Commentary  on  the  Corinthians. 

When  the  news  reached  Naples  of  Galeazzo's 
arrival  at  Geneva,  it  was  a  terrible  blow  for  his 
family.  His  father  was  quite  distracted,  and  having 
consulted  with  the  unfortunate  Vittoria,  they  de- 
cided to  send  his  cousin,  to  whom  he  was  greatly 
attached,  with  affectionate  letter^  and  most  imploring 
persuasions  that  he  would  return  home,  and  not 
bring  down  utter  ruin  upon  his  family ;  as  all  the 
possessions  of  a  heretic  would  be  confiscated,  and  his 
children  disinherited.  The  cousin  found  the  young 
Count  in  a  small  house  and  so  humble  a  condition 
that  he  was  greatly  distressed,  and  he  used  all  his 
efforts  to  induce  his  friend  to  listen  to  his  appeal. 
But  Galeazzo  had  already  counted  the  cost  of  his 
final  step,  and  no  entreaties  had  any  influence  upon 
him,  although  he  was  heart-broken  at  the  pitiful 
story  of  all  that  his  loved  ones  were  suffering  on  his 
account.  It  was  an  additional  trial  to  him  to  feel 
that  his  decision  was  breaking  the  bond  of  friendship 
17 


258  ITALIAN  KEFORMATION 

between  himself  and  this  cousin,  who  was  like  a 
brother  to  him. 

When  the  disappointed  messenger  returned  to 
Naples,  there  was  a  fresh  scene  of  bitter  anguish 
and  despair  on  the  part  of  the  exile's  father  and  wife. 
The  old  Marchese  prepared  to  take  a  journey  to  the 
Emperor  to  implore  him  not  to  punish  the  helpless 
family  for  Galeazzo's  crime  in  leaving  the  Church  of 
Rome.  But  while  he  was  preparing  for  this  expedition, 
another  idea  occurred  to  him  ;  to  make  one  more 
effort  by  personal  influence  to  induce  his  son  to  change 
his  mind.  He  therefore  wrote  to  him  at  Geneva, 
by  a  special  messenger,  commanding  him,  by  all  the 
duty  and  obedience  which  he  owed  to  a  father,  to 
meet  him  in  the  Venetian  States ;  assuring  him  at 
the  same  time  of  a  safe- conduct  from  the  Signoria  of 
Venice. 

Galeazzo  felt  that  he  could  not  refuse  this  earnest 
appeal,  although  he  was  quite  aware  of  the  danger 
it  might  prove  to  him,  and  was  also  firmly  resolved, 
with  God's  grace,  to  resist  all  temptation.  He  set 
out  therefore  from  Geneva,  on  April  29,  1553,  and 
it  was  in  Verona  that  the  meeting  with  his  father  took 
place.  A  most  painful  and  trying  time  followed ; 
all  the  former  reasonings  and  entreaties  were  repeated, 
and  the  young  man  had  once  more  the  bitter  anguish 
of  having  to  refuse  and  cruelly  disappoint  one  he 
loved  so  dearly. 

Finding  that  threats  and  persuasion  were  alike 
hopeless  to  change  his  son's  steadfast  resolution,  the 
Marchese  made  him  promise  that  he  would  remain  in 
Italy  until  he  should  learn  the  result  of  an  appeal 
to  the  Emperor,  with  regard  to  the  suggested  negotia- 
tions about  the  property  of  the   family.     Galeazzo 


GALEAZZO  CARACCIOLI  259 

therefore  gave  his  word  that  he  would  remain  at 
Verona  until  he  should  hear  if  the  appeal  of  the 
Marchese  to  the  Emperor  had  been  successful. 

Meantime  other  friends  and  amongst  them  Girolamo 
Fracastoro,  the  famous  philosopher,  physician  and 
poet  of  that  day,  set  themselves  the  task  of  pointing 
out  to  the  young  convert  the  error  of  his  ways.  But 
he  defended  his  action  with  so  much  wisdom  and 
modesty,  that  those  who  came  to  blame  him,  could 
only  turn  away  in  sorrow  and  disappointment.  As 
soon  as  a  favourable  answer  was  received  from 
Charles  V — who  forbade  all  confiscation  of  the  Vico 
property — Galeazzo  returned  to  Geneva,  full  of 
thankfulness  that  at  least  he  had  caused  no  temporal 
loss  to  his  children,  and  that  his  father's  greatest 
grievance  against  him  was  thus  removed. 

He  was  at  Basle  with  Calvin  a  little  later,  when  he 
met  there  a  certain  Don  Celso,  whose  real  name 
was  Massimiliano,  Count  of  Martinenghi,  of  an 
illustrious  family  of  Brescia.  They  persuaded  this 
excellent  preacher,  who  had  been  professor  of  Greek 
with  Vergerio,  at  Lucca,  to  be  minister  of  the  Italian 
Church  at  Geneva  ;  at  the  same  time  certain  Elders 
were  chosen  to  arrange  a  form  of  discipline  and 
worship,  and  Galeazzo  Caraccioli  was  chosen  to  be  at 
their  head. 

In  the  following  year,  1555,  there  were  fresh 
temptations  for  Galeazzo,  as  his  kinsman  Giovanni 
Pietro  CarafEa  had  been  elected  Pope  under  the 
title  of  Paul  IV.  The  Marchese,  who  could  not  give 
up  the  hope  of  winning  his  son  back  to  the  Church  of 
Borne,  took  advantage  of  this,  to  obtain  permission 
for  him  to  live  in  the  territory  of  Venice,  and  enjoy 
the  free  exercise  of  his  religion.     Having  arranged 


260  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

the  matter,  he  wrote  to  Galeazzo,  sending  a  passport 
to  secure  his  safety,  and  entreating  him  to  come  to 
Mantua.  The  young  man  could  not  refuse  so  urgent 
a  request,  and  set  forth  in  June  1555  ;  his  father 
treated  him  with  warm  affection,  and  implored  him 
to  accept  this  friendly  arrangement  by  which  he  could 
live  happily  at  Venice  with  his  wife  and  family, 
undisturbed  in  his  Protestant  faith.  It  was  a  most 
tempting  offer,  but  after  long  and  serious  considera- 
tion, Galeazzo  came  to  the  conclusion  that  this  would 
only  prove  a  new  snare.  When  had  Rome  ever  been 
known  to  keep  faith  with  heretics  ?  He  would  be 
in  constant  danger  so  long  as  he  remained  firm  in  his 
opinions,  and  if  he  were  summoned  before  the  In- 
quisition and  condemned  to  death,  it  would  brand  all 
his  family  with  shame. 

After  much  difficulty,  young  Caraccioli  convinced 
his  father  of  the  risks  involved,  and  accompanied  him 
as  far  as  his  safe-conduct  made  it  prudent  for  him  to 
do  so ;  they  parted  near  the  border  of  the  Venetian 
provinces,  and  it  was  on  this  occasion  that  Galeazzo 
paid  a  visit  to  the  Duchess  Renee  of  Ferrara.  He 
returned  to  Geneva  by  the  Val  Settina,  and  Chiavenna, 
and  was  gladly  welcomed  back  by  his  friends  at 
Geneva.  He  had  in  vain  written  to  ask  his  wife  to 
meet  him,  but  after  his  return  she  suggested  that  if 
he  would  go  to  Lesina  on  the  Dalmatian  coast,  she 
would  cross  over  from  Vico  to  meet  him — about  a 
hundred  miles  of  sea-voyage.  This  he  consented 
readily  to  do,  but  he  waited  in  vain  for  her  at  the 
appointed  place.  Apparently  her  confessor  would 
not  trust  her  so  far  from  home,  but  after  long  waiting, 
his  two  eldest  sons,  Colantonio  and  Carlo,  were  sent 
to  meet  him  instead.     A  long  correspondence  followed, 


GALEAZZO  CARACCIOLI  261 

and  on  March  7,  1558,  he  again  set  out  for  Lesina,  but 
as  one^  excuse  after  another  was  sent,  he  resolved  to 
risk  everything  and  cross  to  Vico  himself  to  meet  his 
family. 

On  his  arrival,  he  was  received  in  a  kind  of  triumph, 
evidently  with  full  expectation  of  keeping  him,  now 
that  he  had  returned  to  his  home.  When  he  implored 
his  wife  to  come  to  Geneva  with  him,  promising  her 
the  free  exercise  of  her  religion,  she  at  length  owned 
that  her  confessor  had  told  her  that  to  hve  with  a 
heretic  as  her  husband,  was  to  incur  perpetual  ex- 
communication. This  was  more  than  he  could 
endure,  and  he  resolved  to  leave  without  delay. 
Upon  this  his  father  turned  against  him  with  fury, 
and  dismissed  him  with  bitter  words  and  even  curses. 
As  he  hastened  to  take  leave  of  his  wife  and  children, 
they  clung  to  him  with  passionate  entreaties,  and  the 
ordeal  was  so  trying  that  he  dared  not  linger,  and 
rushed  to  the  sea-shore  to  embark  for  Dalmatia  as 
soon  as  possible. 

He  was  almost  broken-hearted  with  grief  at  the 
parting,  although  he  could  not  help  feeUng  that  a 
trap  had  been  laid  for  him.  From  Lesina,  he  travelled 
rapidly  to  Venice  where  he  received  a  letter  from 
Calvin,  who  was  in  great  hopes  that  he  might  persuade 
his  wife  to  join  him. 

'*  To  my  Lord  the  Marchese  di  Vico. 

**  I  hope  this  letter  will  reach  you  at  Venice,  for  I 
suppose  that  by  the  end  of  June,  my  Lady  your  wife 
will  have  arrived  at  Lesina,  and  that  she  will  not 
keep  you  so  long  waiting  in  vain  as  she  did  the  first 
time.  ...  I  feel  the  most  anxious  desire  for  a  happy 


262  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

ending  to  your  patience.  .  .  .  May  God  in  His  mercy 
guide  her  to  your  wishes.  .  .  .  We  have  all  been  in 
great  trouble  and  anxiety  about  you.  .  .  ." 

The  letter  then  continues  to  give  a  long  account 
of  the  troubles  in  France  for  the  Huguenots,  etc. 

On  receiving  this,  Galeazzo  hastened  on  to  Geneva, 
where  he  was  received  with  the  utmost  joy  and 
thankfulness,  as  one  who  had  escaped  from  deadly 
peril ; — they  exclaimed  in  the  words  of  the  Psalmist : 
**  He  that  dwelleth  in  the  secret  places  of  the  Most 
High,  shall  abide  under  the  shadow  of  the  Almighty." 

In  his  peaceful  life  of  preaching  and  devotion,  he 
was  once  more  troubled  in  later  years  by  another 
demand  from  his  family.  A  young  priest  arrived 
with  letters  from  Vittoria  and  from  one  of  his  sons, 
Carlo,  who  had  entered  the  Church  and  found  that 
the  heresy  of  his  father  prevented  him  from  obtaining 
any  ecclesiastical  dignity,  such  as  that  of  Bishop  or 
Cardinal.  Galeazzo  was  even  offered  a  large  sum  of 
money  if  he  would  return  to  the  Romish  Church. 
This  was  more  than  he  could  endure  and  he  threw 
the  letters  into  the  fire.  He  was  at  that  time  in 
failing  health,  and  the  excitement  and  grief  at  this 
new  attempt  upon  him,  brought  on  a  serious  relapse. 

His  life  was  drawing  to  a  close,  and  he  passed 
away  in  the  midst  of  devoted  friends  on  May  7,  1586, 
at  the  age  of  sixty-nine  years,  having  spent  nearly 
half  his  life  in  exile  at  Geneva  for  the  sake  of  his  faith. 


CHAPTER    XXIII 

PIETRO   CARNESECCHI 

Life  of  Pietro  Carnesecchi — Born  at  Florence — Clement  VII  invites 
him  to  Rome — A  brilliant  scholar— Sack  of  Rome,  1527 — Carne- 
secchi goes  to  Florence,  meets  Ochino,  and  later  at  Naples  is 
introduced  to  Vald^s  by  Giulia  Gonzaga — Joins  the  Reformers, 
in  the  circle  of  Valdes  at  Naples — Meets  Vittoria  Colonna  and 
Cardinal  Pole  at  Viterbo — Visits  Venice,  the  centre  of  German 
literature — Meets  Caterina  Cibo  at  Florence — Summoned  before 
the  Inquisition,  but  released  by  Paul  III. 

Pietro  Carnesecchi  was  born  at  Florence  in  the 
first  decade  of  the  sixteenth  century,  of  an  honourable 
family  who  took  an  active  part  in  the  government  of 
the  Republic.  His  father,  Pier  Antonio  Carnesecchi, 
held  the  position  of  Commissary  of  the  Florentine 
Republic  in  the  district  of  the  Maremma  in  1507, 
and  we  have  a  clear  proof  of  the  high  opinion  in  which 
he  was  held,  from  the  letters  of  Macchiavelli  on  the 
part  of  the  Council  of  Ten.  In  that  favoured  centre 
of  humanistic  study,  the  "  cradle  of  the  Renaissance," 
as  Florence  has  been  justly  called,  the  boy  Pietro  had 
the  advantage  of  an  unrivalled  education  in  every 
branch  of  classical  literature  and  philosophical 
thought ;  the  name  of  one  of  his  teachers  has  been 
recorded,  Francesco  Robertello,  of  world-wide  reputa- 
tion later  as  Professor  of  Letters  at  the  University  of 
Padua. 

The  Carnesecchi  were  faithful  and  devoted  friends 

2G3 


264  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

of  the  Medici  throughout  all  their  changing  fortunes  ; 
and  GiuHano,  the  illegitimate  son  of  Giulio,  Lorenzo 
the  Magnificent's  younger  brother,  took  a  warm 
interest  in  the  promising  young  scholar,  Pietro,  and 
on  his  succession  to  the  Papacy  in  November  1523, 
as  Clement  VII,  was  able  to  prove  the  value  of  his 
friendship.  Other  members  of  the  Medici  family 
appear  to  have  been  on  intimate  terms  with  Car- 
nesecchi ;  the  child  Cosimo  son  of  Giovanni  delle 
Bande  Nere,  who  was  one  day  to  become  Grand  Duke 
of  Florence,  and  little  Catherine  destined  to  be  Queen 
of  France. 

Pietro  had  taken  priestly  orders  in  Florence  before 
he  was  summoned  by  Clement  VII  to  the  Court  of 
Rome.  Here  he  was  received  with  friendly  hospitality 
by  the  Cardinal  Dovizzi,  and  warmly  welcomed  by  a 
brilliant  circle  of  distinguished  men.  These  were  but 
the  remains  of  that  marvellous  Court  of  Leo  X  in 
the  days  when  "  all  Rome  was  an  academy,  every- 
where songs,  everywhere  science,  poetry,  the  fine 
arts,  a  sort  of  voluptuousness  of  study.'*  The 
distinguished  Venetian  scholar  Pietro  Bembo,  the 
friend  of  Castiglione  who  had  long  before  chosen  him 
for  his  "  Cortigiano,''  as  the  high-priest  of  the  Plato- 
nism  of  the  Renaissance,  was  there,  and  with  him  the 
learned  Sadoleto,  whom  he  warned  not  to  let  his  style 
be  spoilt  by  too  much  study  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles. 
In  that  highly  cultured  circle  we  find  the  poet  Marc- 
antonio  Flaminio,  whose  Latin  poems  had  been  so 
much  admired  by  Leo  X  ;  Gasparo  Contarini,  then  a 
layman  and  ambassador  from  his  native  Venice, 
Antonio  Bruccioli,  the  Florentine  exile  who  had 
already  translated  the  Bible  into  Italian,  and  many 
others  ;   some  illustrious  survivals  from  the  period  of 


PIETRO  CABNESECCHI  265 

the  Pagan  Renaissance,  with  younger  men  who  were 
destined  to  inaugurate  the  Catholic  Revival,  and 
who  were  already  members  of  the  "  Oratory  of 
Divine  Love/' 

This  was  the  world  in  which  Pietro  Carnesecchi 
found  himself  absolutely  at  home  with  kindred  souls 
all  around  him.  We  are  told  that  Sadoleto  praised 
him  as  a  young  man  of  great  promise  and  unusual 
talent,  Bembo  spoke  of  him  with  goodwill  and 
affection,  while  Benvenuto  CeUini,  the  Florentine 
goldsmith  and  artist,  had  occasion  to  be  indebted  to 
his  good  offices  in  restoring  him  to  the  favour  of  the 
Pope.  Carnesecchi  himself  rose  high  in  the  estimation 
of  Clement  VII,  who  made  him  first  Secretary,  and 
then  Papal  Protonotary,  which  placed  him  in  a 
position  of  so  much  importance  that  it  soon  became 
a  common  saying  that  *'  the  Church  was  more  ruled 
by  Carnesecchi  than  by  Clement."  He  also  received 
from  his  devoted  patron  two  abbeys  with  all  their 
revenues,  one  being  in  France  and  the  other  at  Eboli, 
about  sixteen  miles  from  Salerno,  in  the  Kingdom  of 
Naples.  Eboli  is  splendidly  situated  on  high  ground, 
commanding  a  fine  view  of  the  sea,  the  great  forest 
of  Persano,  the  towns  on  the  slopes  of  Monte  Alburno 
and  the  valley  of  the  Silarus. 

It  was  in  the  year  1531,  that  Pietro  first  made  the 
acquaintance  of  a  Spanish  nobleman,  Senor  Juan  de 
Valdes,  who  was  for  a  time  Papal  Chamberlain, 
having  come  to  Rome  with  high  credentials  as  "  a 
noble  knight  by  grace  of  the  Emperor."  But  at  this 
period  they  do  not  appear  to  have  attained  to  any 
deep  religious  intimacy,  for  Carnesecchi,  although 
an  able  and  upright  statesman,  and  a  conscientious 
man  who  discharged  all  the  obligations  of  his  ec- 


266  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

clesiastical  offices,  had  not  taken  up  any  very  serious 
views  on  the  subject  of  Reform. 

It  so  chanced  that  during  the  Lent  of  the  year  1534, 
a  certain  Capuchin  Friar,  Fra  Bernardino  Ochino  of 
Siena,  was  appointed  to  preach  the  Lenten  sermons 
in  the  Church  of  SS.  Lorenzo  e  Damaso,  near  the 
Campo  di  Fiori  in  Rome.  Ochino  had  but  recently 
left  a  branch  of  the  Franciscan  Order  of  the  Ob- 
servants, of  which  he  had  been  Prior,  to  join  a  far 
more  strict  and  austere  body  of  Capuchins.  This 
severity  of  life  was  not  approved  by  the  ecclesiastical 
authorities,  and  the  more  lax  Franciscans  were  able 
to  persuade  some  Cardinals  to  obtain  by  Papal  decree, 
the  dissolution  of  this  new  ascetic  Order,  which  had 
been  established  barely  six  years.  In  order  to  avert 
this  threatened  danger,  all  the  Capuchins,  numbering 
about  125,  were  gathered  together  in  Rome. 

When,  by  Pope  Clement's  decree  of  April  25,  1534, 
they  were  expelled  from  the  city,  all  the  lower  classes 
in  Rome  took  the  side  of  the  friars,  and  rose  in  tumult 
on  their  behalf.  Two  great  ladies,  who  had  taken 
deep  interest  in  these  unworldly  Capuchins,  joined 
in  a  strenuous  appeal  to  the  Pope.  One  was  Clement's 
niece,  Caterina  Cibo,  the  Dowager  Duchess  of 
Camerino,  and  the  other  was  Vittoria  Colonna,  the 
widow  of  Ferrante  Marchese  of  Pescara,  who  at  that 
time  was  on  a  visit  to  her  Colonna  relations  at  Marino. 
The  two  ladies  hastened  to  Rome  and  at  length 
induced  Pope  Clement  to  withdraw  his  edict  of 
expulsion.  It  was  not  very  long  after  this,  on  Sep- 
tember 26,  that  the  Pope  died.  Carnesecchi  had  been 
introduced  by  Cardinal  Palmieri,  to  the  Signora 
Vittoria,  and  now  for  the  first  time  made  her  ac- 
quaintance.    But  far  more  important  in  its  results 


PIETKO  CARNESECCHI  267 

was  the  influence  of  Fra  Bernardino's  preaching  upon 
the  young  statesman,  who  lost  no  time  before  visiting 
Ochino  and  entering  into  earnest  conversation  with 
him.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  had  any  scholastic 
disputations  at  that  time,  or  to  have  heard  any  new 
doctrine  from  this  preacher,  whose  extraordinary 
success  was  due  to  his  personal  sincerity,  and  to  the 
impassioned  love  and  sympathy  which  shone  through 
his  eloquent  words  and  won  all  hearts. 

After  the  death  of  his  patron,  Clement  VII,  and 
the  succession  of  Alessandro  Farnese  under  the  title 
of  Paul  III,  Carnesecchi  left  Rome  and  returned  to 
Florence.  Although  he  had  faithfully  devoted  him- 
self to  Pope  Clement,  during  the  latter  eventful  years 
of  his  rule,  and  had  shared  with  him  the  terrible 
disaster  of  the  taking  and  sack  of  Rome — joining 
later  in  the  Imperial  assertion  of  the  coronation  of 
Charles  V  at  Bologna — yet  Pietro  Carnesecchi  was 
a  man  of  thought,  rather  than  action,  and  his  official 
position  and  importance  had  never  been  congenial 
to  him.  In  his  native  city,  he  was  once  more  brought 
into  contact  with  Fra  Bernardino  Ochino  in  1536  to 
1537,  and  became  still  more  deeply  interested  in 
his  striking  and  fascinating  personality.  But  the 
preacher  himself  had  not  yet  adopted  any  strongly 
reformed  doctrines,  and  it  was  not  until  some  years 
later  when  he  came  under  the  influence  of  the  Spanish 
Reformer,  Juan  Valdes  at  Naples,  that  he  definitely 
committed  himself  to  Lutheran  teaching. 

Ochino  had  recently  been  preaching  in  the  Duomo 
of  Ferrara,  where  he  had  been  invited  by  Renee, 
Duchess  of  Ferrara,  and  Vittoria  Colonna  had  gone 
there  that  she  might  miss  none  of  his  sermons.  Great 
interest  had  been  felt  with  regard  to  this  striking 


268  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

pulpit  orator  in  Mantua,  for  Agostino  Gonzaga  had 
written  to  Isabella  d'Este,  a  long  letter  from  Rome, 
describing  the  enthusiasm  which  he  had  excited  in 
the  Eternal  City.  In  Florence  he  met  with  the  same 
success,  and  assembled  round  his  pulpit  were  all  the 
noblest  and  most  distinguished  of  the  citizens.  Here 
too  came,  besides  Carnesecchi,  Caterina  Cibo  Duchess 
of  Camerino,  who  remained  faithful  to  the  Friar  in 
the  stormy  days  to  come,  Giammatteo  Giberti  the 
pious  Bishop  of  Verona,  Giovanni  Pietro  Caraffa  then 
Bishop  of  Chieti,  and  later  a  cruel  persecutor  of  his 
former  friends  when  he  became  Pope  under  the  name 
of  Paul  IV.  Perhaps  the  most  interesting  personality 
to  us  amongst  these  disciples  for  the  moment,  was 
Reginald  Pole,  who  was  at  the  same  time  earning 
a  Cardinal's  Hat  (December  22,  1536,  received)  as 
a  reward  for  his  defence  of  Papal  rights  against 
Henry  VIII  of  England. 

Following  the  steps  of  Pietro  Carnesecchi,  we  find 
him  in  the  summer  of  1538,  at  the  Baths  of  Lucca, 
already  famous  for  their  healing  quality,  in  company 
with  Vittoria  Colonna  Marchesa  of  Pescara,  and 
Cardinal  Pole  her  intimate  friend  and  teacher.  No 
suspicion  of  unorthodoxy  appears  to  have  attached 
to  this  little  company  of  thinkers,  at  this  time,  indeed 
it  was  not  until  the  year  1540  when  Carnesecchi, 
bent  on  visiting  his  Abbey  at  Eboli,  found  himself 
at  Naples,  that  he  came  to  a  turning  point  in  his 
religious  life. 

W  e  have  already  told  the  story  of  Juan  de  Valdes, 
the  Spanish  Reformer,  who  had  taken  up  his  abode 
in  Naples,  and  was  a  member  of  the  suite  of  Pedro  de 
Toledo  the  Viceroy.  His  outspoken  opinions  on  the 
subject  of  reform  had  made  it  desirable  for  him  to 


1 


PIETRO  CAKNESECCHI  269 

leave  Spain,  where  the  Inquisition  had  long  been  in 
full  force,  and  was  keenly  on  the  look-out  for  traces 
of  any  differences  of  doctrine  which  might  have  the 
slightest  flavour  of  heresy.  In  Naples  Juan  had 
devoted  himself  to  the  earnest  study  of  philology,  of 
the  writings  of  the  German  Reformers,  but  above  all 
of  the  Bible  itself.  In  the  Vice-Regal  Court,  he  was 
highly  respected  as  a  man  of  profound  learning  and 
spotless  life,  but  he  was  distinguished  above  all 
things  for  the  irresistible  charm  of  his  manner  and 
conversation. 

Carnesecchi  soon  fell  under  the  influence  of  this 
commanding  spirit,  and  became  one  of  his  most 
ardent  disciples.  At  this  time  Valdes  had  already 
written  his  scientific  study  of  the  Spanish  language,  the 
"Dialogo  de  la  lengua  "  ;  the  "Alfabeto  Cristiano," 
a  catechism  of  religious  teaching  in  the  form  of 
question  and  answer  between  himself  and  the  lady 
Giulia  Gonzaga  ;  and  he  must  have  been  engaged  in 
the  year  1540,  in  finishing  his  "Cento  e  dieci  divine 
consideratione,"  a  manual  of  devout  teaching  which 
contained  many  of  the  same  views  as  Luther  held. 
He  was  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  a  return  to  the 
simple  elements  of  Christianity  in  creed  and  conduct, 
and  considered  that  great  reforms  were  necessary 
throughout  the  whole  body  of  the  Church.  But  he 
had  no  wish  to  encourage  a  schism,  and  had  not 
thought  of  denying  his  allegiance  to  the  Pope,  or  of 
separating  from  the  Catholic  Church.  Pietro  Car- 
nesecchi found  himself  one  of  a  distinguished  company 
of  seekers  after  truth.  There  was  his  friend  the 
brilliant  poet,  Marcantonio  Flaminio,  who  had  been 
living  for  the  last  two  years  at  his  villa  near  Caserto 
for  the  sake  of  his  health.     Galeazzo  Caraccioli,  the 


270  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

distinguished  young  scholar  of  noble  birth  whose 
pathetic  story  we  have  already  told,  was  another 
member  of  the  circle  gathered  round  Valdes.  Aonio 
Paleario,  the  famous  scholar,  came  for  a  time  to 
Naples,  Pietro  Martire  Vermigli  the  Florentine, 
whose  name  became  so  well  known  in  England  later, 
and  Ochino,  to  whom  we  have  alluded,  were  there. 
Nor  were  noble  women  wanting  in  this  earnest  gather- 
ing. 

Vittoria  Colonna  was  at  this  time  living  within 
reach,  in  the  Island  of  Ischia,  where  she  was  the 
companion  of  her  husband's  sister,  the  Duchess 
of  Francavilla.  With  them  came  Donna  Isabella 
Brisegna,  sister-in-law  of  the  Supreme  Inquisitor  for 
Spain,  Alfonso  Manrique  de  Lara.  Her  husband  the 
Governor  of  Piacenza  had  driven  her  from  her  home 
on  account  of  her  reformed  opinions,  and  she  was 
under  the  protection  of  the  noble  lady,  Giulia  Gonzaga 
Countess  of  Fondi.  As  we  have  seen,  Giulia,  ever 
since  her  coming  to  Naples  in  the  winter  of  1535,  had 
taken  a  spacious  palace  in  the  Borgo  delle  Vergine, 
and  although  she  herself  chiefly  lived  in  her  rooms 
in  the  Convent  of  San  Francesco,  she  was  always 
ready  to  give  a  hospitable  reception  to  her  old  friends 
and  to  any  men  of  learning  introduced  to  her.  Thus 
it  was  that  Carnesecchi  came  to  be  a  guest  of  hers, 
and  a  strong  and  deep  friendship  grew  up  between 
these  two  kindred  spirits  who  were  both  so  intensely 
in  earnest  concerning  religious  matters.  It  was 
Giulia  Gonzaga  indeed  who  first  helped  Carnesecchi 
to  understand  thoroughly  the  doctrines  of  Valdes, 
and  we  see  from  the  immense  number  of  letters  which 
passed  between  these  two  friends,  and  which  have 
fortunately  been  preserved,  how  fully  in  accord  they 


PIETRO  CARNESECCHI  271 

were  and  how  their  mutual  sympathy  endured  until 
the  end. 

After  the  death  of  Valdes,  the  company  of  faithful 
disciples  appears  to  have  been  dispersed,  and  early 
in  May,  1541,  Carnesecchi  travelled  to  Eome  with  his 
friends  Marcantonio  Flaminio  and  Donato  EuUo. 
They  were  kindly  received  by  the  old  Cardinal  of 
Mantua,  ad  arcum  PortugallicB,  who  gave  them  a 
friendly  welcome.  But  Carnesecchi  soon  went  on 
to  Florence  with  his  friend  Flaminio,  and  there  re- 
mained in  his  own  home  during  the  summer,  until 
the  middle  of  October.  At  the  Capuchin  Convent, 
three  miles  outside  Florence,  they  met  their  friend 
Bernardino  Ochino,  who  was  preparing  his  sermons 
for  publication,  and  who  had  already  been  warned 
that  he  was  in  serious  danger  from  the  Inquisition. 

Pietro  Carnesecchi  renewed  his  friendship  with 
Caterina  Cibo,  the  Duchess  of  Camerino,  who  visited 
him  and  Flaminio  in  Florence,  joining  them  later  in 
the  autumn,  in  their  pilgrimage  to  Viterbo,  where 
other  rehgious  friends  had  gathered  together  in  a 
society  much  resembhng  the  "  Oratory  of  Divine 
Love,"  which  had  originally  been  started  at  Rome, 
under  the  very  eyes  of  the  Pope.  Here  they  found 
Cardinal  Pole,  who  in  that  summer  of  1541  had  been 
appointed  Legate  to  the  Patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  and 
was  practically  established  as  Governor  of  Viterbo. 
At  his  Court  there  were  many  adherents  of  the  new 
doctrines,  and  amongst  them  we  may  mention  Luigi 
Priuli  the  Venetian,  Abbot  of  San  Soluto ;  Giberti 
Bishop  of  Verona,  Soranzo  soon  to  be  Bishop  of 
Bergamo,  Vincenzo  Gheria,  Archbishop  of  Ischia, 
Donato  Rullo,  and  others.  At  this  same  time, 
October  1541,  Vittoria  Colonna  had  left  Rome  and 


272  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

retired  to  tlie  Convent  of  Sta.  Caterina,  as  "  she  could 
worship  God  better  and  more  quietly  than  in  Rome." 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  dwell  fully  upon 
the  subjects  of  prayer  and  meditation  to  which  the 
members  of  this  religious  society  devoted  themselves. 
It  was  here  that  Carnesecchi  read  for  the  first  time 
Luther's  earlier  writings,  also  his  Exposition  of  the 
Psalms,  and  Bucer's  Commentary  upon  the  Gospel 
of  St.  Matthew.  Flaminio  had  already  given  him  the 
"Institutes "  of  Calvin,  in  Florence.  Vittoria  Colonna 
appears  to  have  here  read  with  the  greatest  interest 
Luther's  Exposition  of  Psalm  XLV,  without  knowing 
by  whom  it  was  written.  She  told  Carnesecchi  that 
she  had  felt  more  joy  and  refreshment  in  the  study  of 
this  work  than  in  any  other  modern  book. 

During  the  greater  part  of  a  year,  Pietro  Car- 
nesecchi remained  a  guest  in  the  palace  of  Cardinal 
Pole,  enjoying  the  peaceful  rest  of  this  interchange 
of  holy  thoughts  ;  and  he  then  travelled  on  to  Venice 
with  his  friend  Donato  Rullo,  in  order  to  consult  a 
famous  physician  there,  concerning  an  obscure  illness 
which  troubled  him.  He  lived  at  first  in  the  house  of 
Rullo,  who  was  a  native  of  Venice,  and  then  removed 
into  a  lodging  of  his  own  where  he  remained  for  the 
next  three  years. 

The  Republic  was  at  that  time  famous  for  its 
hospitality  to  strangers  of  every  nation,  and  also  for 
its  broad  toleration.  The  Senate  had  suffered  Ochino 
to  preach  the  Lenten  sermons  in  1542,  although  his 
doctrines  were  already  regarded  with  suspicion  in 
Rome.  After  the  Inquisition  had  been  introduced 
elsewhere  in  Italy,  the  Republic  refused  for  a  long 
time  to  prosecute  for  matters  of  faith.  The  writings 
of  the  Reformers  all  found  their  way  through  Venice 


PIETRO  CARNESECCHI  273 

into  otlier  centres  in  Italian  cities,  and  here  transla- 
tions of  the  Bible  and  otlier  religious  books  were 
printed.  Carnesecclii  found  in  this  beautiful  city- 
many  who  sympathised  with  him  in  his  earnest  desire 
for  Reform.  As  we  shall  see  later,  this  was  made  a 
special  point  in  his  arraignment  before  the  tribunal 
of  the  Inquisition.  ..."  In  Venice  thou  hast  for  many 
years  .  .  .  not  only  persisted  in  former  heresies  .  .  .  but 
hast  imparted  them  to  other  persons.  .  .  /' 

Amongst  those  specially  mentioned  in  this  accusa- 
tion, was  Pietro  Paolo  Vergerio,  formerly  Bishop  of 
Capo  d'Istria,  who  had  come  to  Venice  to  oppose 
the  views  of  the  new  school  of  thought,  but  he  was 
won  over  to  join  the  Reformers  instead  of  condemning 
them.  His  brother  Giovanni  Battista  Vergerio, 
Bishop  of  Pola,  followed  in  his  steps.  We  also  find 
the  name  of  Lattanzio  Ragnone,  of  Siena,  an  en- 
thusiastic pupil  of  both  Valdes  and  Ochino,  and  last 
in  the  denouncing  list  is  Baldassare  Altieri  of  Aquila 
in  the  Kingdom  of  Naples,  for  some  time  Secretary 
to  the  Enghsh  Embassy  at  Venice,  and  therefore 
under  safe  protection.  Altieri  is  spoken  of  as  "  an 
apostate  and  a  Lutheran,  in  correspondence  with 
the  German  Princes  and  heretical  Protestants.  ..." 
Then  continues  the  accusing  of  Carnesecchi  as  having 
given  "  lodging,  shelter,  encouragement  and  money 
to  many  apostates  and  heretics,  who  .  .  .  fled  into 
heretical  ultramontane  countries;  and  thou  didst 
by  letter  recommend  to  an  Italian  Princess,  to  GiuHa 
Gonzaga,  two  heretical  apostates  .  .  .  who  as  soon  as 
they  were  discovered,  were  forthwith  sent  prisoners 
to  this  Holy  Office." 

A  man  like  Pietro  Carnesecchi  could  not  long 
escape  the  suspicion  of  the  Inquisition,  and  in  1546 
18 


274  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

lie  was  cited  to  Rome  and  put  upon  his  trial  for 
heresy.  Strangely  enough  in  this  moment  of  peril, 
it  was  Pope  Paul  III  himself  who  proved  his  best 
friend.  A  brief  explanation  is  needful  to  explain 
this  apparent  paradox.  The  Pope  (Alessandro  Far- 
nese)  was  born  in  1468,  he  was  educated  in  the  palmy 
days  of  the  classical  Renaissance  and  was  made  a 
Cardinal  at  twenty-five,  by  Alexander  VI.  He 
lived  through  the  reigns  of  Julius  II,  Leo  X,  Adrian  VI 
and  Clement  VII,  and  at  the  age  of  sixty-six  was 
raised  to  the  Papal  dignity  himself. 

The  experience  of  all  that  had  passed  before  him 
was  not  wasted,  and  although  at  heart  he  was  a  man 
of  the  older  generation,  he  had  learnt  a  pecuhar 
caution  and  diplomatic  shiftiness  which  stood  him 
in  good  purpose.  His  strongest  desire  was  to  form  a 
solid  duchy  for  his  illegitimate  sons,  and  to  achieve 
this  he  must  make  friends  with  all  parties.  Now 
Carnesecchi  had  powerful  friends  in  Florence  ;  Duke 
Cosimo  was  his  patron  ;  he  himself  had  been  the 
Secretary  and  Protonotary  of  a  predecessor  in  the 
Chair  of  St.  Peter.  In  his  "  Popes  of  Rome,'*  Leopold 
von  Ranke  remarks  :  "It  sounds  strange,  but  there 
is  nothing  more  true,  that  while  all  Northern  Germany 
quaked  at  the  prospect  of  the  re-introduction  of  Papal 
power,  the  Pope  felt  himself  to  be  the  confederate  of 
the  Protestants.''  In  any  case  it  was  Paul  who 
intervened  to  protect  Pietro  Carnesecchi,  and  to  stay 
the  suit  instituted  by  the  Inquisition. 

It  is  curious  to  notice  that  for  this  deed  of  mercy, 
Paul  III  was  never  forgiven  by  the  fanatics  of  the 
*'  Holy  Office."'  Twenty  years  later  in  the  final 
judgment  and  condemnation  of  Carnesecchi,  we  can 
read  between  the  lines  a  scathing  attack  upon  the 


PIETRO  CARNESECCHI  275 

weakness  of  **  Pope  Paul  III  of  blessed  memory  !  " 
But  the  accused  man,  although  released  from  prison, 
could  no  longer  feel  himself  safe  in  Italy,  and  im- 
mediately after  he  was  free  in  1547,  he  set  out  for 
France,  where  the  Reform  movement  had  made  great 
progress,  and  where  he  had  several  friends.  A  gentle 
scholar,  Pietro  had  a  horror  of  every  form  of  violence, 
and  although  he  had  plenty  of  moral  courage,  he 
was  in  delicate  health  and  only  longed  for  a  peaceful 
refuge  where  he  could  quietly  continue  his  work. 
This  he  appears  to  have  found  in  Paris,  which  he 
reached  at  a  most  critical  and  interesting  time,  and 
where  he  took  up  his  abode  for  several  years. 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

CARNESECCHI  IN  PARIS 

Carnesecchi  goes  to  Paris — Meets  Marguerite  of  Navarre — Presents 
her  with  the  poems  of  Marcantonio  Flaminio — Paul  IV  threatens 
fresh  persecution — Carnesecchi  tried  by  the  Inquisition — His 
constant  letters  to  Giulia  Gonzaga — She  advises  him  not  to  escape 
to  Geneva — Many  of  his  friends  in  the  prisons  of  the  Inquisition 

When  Pietro  Carnesecchi  reached  Paris  after  his 
release  from  the  prison  of  the  Inquisition  at  Rome, 
it  was  at  a  singularly  inauspicious  moment.  It  was 
the  year  1547,  and  on  March  31,  King  Frangois  I 
had  died  and  been  succeeded  by  his  only  surviving 
son  Henri  II,  whose  policy  towards  the  Reformed 
faith  was  from  the  beginning  much  more  rigorous 
than  that  of  his  father.  The  young  King  had  no 
sympathy  with  humanism  and  had  no  need  of  con- 
ciliating Protestant  allies  ;  and  the  policy  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  new  doctrines  was  one  on  which  all  his 
advisers  were  agreed,  both  Montmorency  and  the 
House  of  Guise.  In  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  a  new 
criminal  Court  was  created  for  the  trial  of  heretics, 
and  it  richly  deserved  its  name  of  "La.  Chambre 
Ardente,''  for  in  the  course  of  the  next  two  years, 
more  than  a  hundred  persons  were  condemned  to 
death,  by  its  means,  for  their  opinions. 

We  can  only  wonder  that  Carnesecchi  was  not 
interfered  with,  but  he  was  fortunate  in  having  in- 
troductions to  the  great  Paris  firm  of  printers,  the 

276 


CARNESECCHI  IN  PARIS  277 

Estiennes,  whose  shop  in  the  Rue  St.  Jean  de  Beauvais 
was  a  kind  of  club  for  scholars,  where  great  nobles 
of  the  Court  dropped  in  from  interest  in  learning  or 
curiosity,  and  Marguerite  of  Angouleme  herself  was 
attracted  by  her  eager  love  of  knowledge.  Robert 
Estiennes,  the  present  head  of  the  House,  had  married 
the  daughter  of  a  scholar,  and  we  are  told  that  "  all 
the  household,  even  the  children,  talked  Latin." 
Robert  had  written  learned  books  himself,  such  as  his 
"Tresor  de  la  langue  Latine '' ;  he  had  pubKshed  not 
only  the  classics  but  works  of  Erasmus,  the  trans- 
lation of  the  New  Testament  by  Lefebre  d'Etaples, 
and  other  writings  of  the  Reformers.  The  Estiennes 
had  long  been  looked  upon  with  suspicion  by  the 
Sorbonne,  and  only  the  special  favour  of  Fran9ois  I 
and  his  sister  Marguerite,  had  so  far  protected  them 
from  persecution  as  heretics. 

This  tender-hearted  Princess  was  broken  down 
by  the  loss  of  her  brother,  yet  after  a  while,  her  old 
interests  somewhat  revived,  and  she  was  still  willing 
to  receive  the  homage  of  scholars  and  poets.  But 
a  change  had  come  over  her,  and  although  she  still 
accepted  the  latest  works  on  the  new  doctrines,  she 
returned  in  spirit  to  the  faith  of  her  childhood,  drawn 
by  the  beauty  and  emotion  of  Catholic  ritual.  Car- 
nesecchi,  as  an  Italian  of  note,  had  been  received  in 
the  Court  of  the  new  Queen,  Catherine  dei  Medici, 
and  had  been  greatly  attracted  by  Marguerite  of 
Navarre.  On  the  death  of  his  old  friend,  the  poet 
Marcantonio  Flaminio,  he  had  received  through 
Priuli,  "  as  being  rightly  his  by  inheritance,"  a 
collection  of  Latin  hymns,  recently  written  by  the 
poet,  shortly  before  his  death,  "  De  Rebus  Divinis," 
and   dedicated   to   the   Princess   Marguerite.     Car- 


278  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

nesecchi  was  very  anxious  to  persuade  Robert 
Estienne  to  print  this  work  in  order  that  lie  might 
present  it  to  the  great  lady  in  a  suitable  form.  But 
the  famous  printer  was  acute  enough  to  read  the 
signs  of  the  times,  and  he  felt  that  under  the  present 
government  of  Henri  II,  he  was  no  longer  safe  from 
the  animosity  of  the  Sorbonne  and  the  **  Chambre 
Ardente/' 

He  happened  to  be  deeply  engaged  in  removing 
his  printing  business  to  the  secure  refuge  of  Geneva, 
at  that  very  moment.  Pietro  Carnesecchi  had  there- 
fore no  alternative  but  to  place  the  precious  manu- 
script of  the  Hymns  in  the  hands  of  Marguerite,  who 
was  then  in  failing  health  and  aware  that  she  was 
drawing  near  her  end.  But  she  accepted  the  dedica- 
tion with  her  usual  gentle  courtesy,  and  Pietro  had 
good  reason  to  remember  this  event.  For  in  his 
final  judgment  by  the  Inquisition  it  was  recorded : 
"  Out  of  Italy,  thou  hadst  a  book  sent  to  thee  which 
was  stained  with  the  heresy  of  Valdes,  and  thou  didst 
present  it  as  a  gift."' 

Carnesecchi  did  not  leave  Paris  until  1552,  when 
persecution  was  becoming  more  violent  in  Paris 
and  other  parts  of  France.  He  stayed  at  Lyons  on 
the  way,  and  his  friend  Lattanzio  Ragnone,  who  was 
Pastor  of  the  Church  of  fugitive  Italian  Protestants, 
strongly  advised  him  not  to  return  to  Italy,  but  to 
seek  safety  at  Geneva.  This,  Pietro  was  most  un- 
wilhng  to  do,  for  all  his  interests  were  in  his  native 
land,  and  he  had  a  strong  desire  to  meet  the  Countess 
Giulia  Gonzaga,  his  faithful  friend  and  correspondent, 
once  more.  Besides  he  had  confident  hope  that  there 
would  be  no  special  danger  for  him  now  in  Italy,  as 
Paul  III  had  been  succeeded  in  1550  by  JuHus  III, 


CAENESECCHI  IN  PARIS  279 

who  cared  too  mucli  for  his  own  selfish  ease  to  trouble 
about  the  State,  the  Church  or  the  Inquisition,  and 
only  desired  to  enjoy  himself  in  lazy  comfort.  More- 
over, the  exile  knew  that  he  had  so  many  friends  in 
Venice,  that  he  hoped  to  be  able  to  live  unmolested  in 
the  territory  of  the  Republic.  He  therefore  travelled 
on  to  Padua  where  he  took  up  his  abode,  as  from 
thence  he  could  pay  frequent  visits  to  Venice. 

JuHus  III  ended  his  useless  life  on  March  23,  1555, 
and  his  successor.  Cardinal  Cervini,  who  took  the 
name  of  Marcello  II,  only  survived  the  excitement 
of  his  elevation  to  the  Papacy,  for  twenty- one  days. 
After  his  death  which  happened  on  Ascension  Day, 
May  1,  the  Cardinals  on  May  23, 1555,  elected  Giovanni 
Pietro  Caraf!a,  who  took  the  title  of  Paul  IV.  We 
have  already  made  his  acquaintance  as  a  member  of 
the  "  Oratory  of  Divine  Love,"'  when  he  joined  in  a 
company  of  pious  men,  many  of  them  with  advanced 
views,  in  prayer  and  meditation  for  the  reform  of  the 
Church.  Since  then,  Carafia's  doctrine  was  greatly 
changed,  and  we  shall  see  with  what  suspicion  he 
looked  upon  all  his  old  companions.  He  was  the 
founder  and  soul  of  the  Roman  Inquisition,  and  now 
at  the  age  of  seventy-nine,  he  was  still  a  man  of 
fierce,  and  uncompromising  temper ;  with  two  guiding 
passions — hatred  of  the  Spaniards  who  were  ruling 
Italy,  and  fanatical  ambition  to  maintain  the  most 
rigid  Catholic  orthodoxy. 

The  abdication  of  Charles  V,  this  same  year,  1555, 
had  placed  on  the  throne  of  Spain,  his  son  Philip  II, 
a  bigoted  Catholic  and  a  superstitiously  obedient  son 
of  the  Church.  Had  this  not  been  the  case,  the  new 
Pope  would  never  have  succeeded  in  the  coming 
struggle.     He  began   by   trying   to   strengthen  his 


280  ITALIAN  REFOEMATION 

position  through  the  method  of  advancing  his  relations 
to  positions  of  importance ;  but  after  a  time,  when 
it  was  clearly  proved  to  him  that  these  Caraft'a  nephews 
were  little  better  than  the  Borgias  had  been ;  he  caused 
a  searching  inquiry  to  be  made,  deprived  them  of  all 
their  ojffices  and  banished  them  from  Rome. 

Thus  it  was  not  until  the  Duke  of  Alva,  Philip's 
Viceroy  at  Naples,  had  marched  against  Rome  which 
was  only  saved  by  Protestant  mercenaries  from  the 
Grisons  ;  and  the  disgraceful  Peace  of  Cavi  had  been 
concluded  in  September  1557 — that  Paul  IV  appeared 
in  his  true  character  as  a  fierce  persecutor  of  the 
Reformers.  Already  that  summer,  the  prisons  of 
the  Inquisition  were  full.  On  June  5,  1557,  Car- 
nesecchi  wrote  from  Venice  to  Giulia  Gonzaga,  to 
inform  her  that  Cardinal  Morone,  together  with  the 
Bishop  of  Cava,  San  Felice,  had  been  sent  as  a  prisoner 
to  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo. 

Giovanni  Morone,  the  son  of  Girolamo  Morone  the 
Milanese  Chancellor,  had  been  a  most  intimate  friend 
of  Carnesecchi  from  his  earhest  years,  for  their  fathers 
were  friends,  and  Pietro  had  entered  the  service  of 
Morone  before  he  was  made  Bishop  of  Modena,  in 
1535,  by  Clement  VII,  who  held  him  in  the  highest 
honour.  His  imprisonment  was  a  great  shock  to  all 
who  held  reformed  opinions.  As  Carnesecchi  wrote 
to  Giulia  Gonzaga,  in  a  second  letter  on  June  12, 
1557: 

"  Why  Morone  is  imprisoned,  no  one  knows  ;  many 
say  that  the  Cardinals  have  brought  it  about,  in  order 
that  he  may  be  out  of  their  way  at  the  next  election 
of  a  Pope,  when  he  would  be  sure  to  obtain  the 
greatest  number  of  votes.     The  Pope  intends  sum- 


CARNESECCHI  IN  PARIS  281 

moning  all  the  Cardinals  to  Rome,  in  order  that  they 
as  a  College,  may  judge  Morone.  Paul  IV  has  also 
summoned  Soranzio  of  Bergamo,  and  Egidio  Fos- 
carari,  Bishop  of  Modena,  and  a  Dominican  monk,  to 
Rome.  Now  that  temporal  war  has  been  brought 
to  a  close,  it  appears  that  a  spiritual  one  shall  com- 
mence in  order  that  the  world  be  not  idle,  but 
shall  ever  have  opportunity  to  exercise  both  spirit 
and  flesh/' 

Many  other  Church  dignitaries  were  also  arrested 
and  proceeded  against,  as  well  as  those  named  above. 
The  Abbot  Villamarino,  house-steward  to  Morone ; 
Bishop  Centanni,  a  Venetian,  Don  Bartolomeo  Spada- 
f ora  of  Messina,  a  friend  of  Giulia  Gonzaga  and  Vittoria 
Colonna  ;  the  Archbishop  Mario  Galeota  of  Sorrento, 
Bishop  Verdura  and  others.  By  a  Brief,  dated 
August  9,  1557,  Cardinal  Pole  who  was  in  England, 
was  summoned  to  Rome  "  to  purge  himself  from 
suspicion  of  heresy,"  but  fortunately  for  him.  Queen 
Mary  would  not  suffer  him  to  go.  Paul  IV  remem- 
bered him  as  one  of  the  members  of  the  "  Oratory  of 
Divine  Love,"  and  this  was  quite  enough  to  condemn 
him,  although  his  blind  devotion  to  the  Papal  See 
had  long  been  a  serious  grief  to  his  reformed  friends. 
Shortly  before  his  death  in  November  1558,  Reginald 
Pole  made  a  declaration  that — 

"  He  firmly  held  the  Catholic  Faith,  and  that  he 
believed  the  Pope  to  be  really  the  Vicar  of  Christ 
and  the  successor  of  St.  Peter,  and  that  he  had  always 
revered  and  obeyed  this  present  Pope  [Paul  IV],  as 
such,  nor  had  he  diflered  from  him  in  anything,  nor 
from  the  opinion  of  the  Roman  Church.  .  .  ." 


282  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Carnesecchi  writes  to  Giulia  Gonzaga  on  February 
11,  1559,  in  answer  to  hers : 

**  It  Las  pleased  me  wonderfully  that  Donna  Giulia 
has  not  approved  this  declaration  made  by  the 
Cardinal  of  England,  being  superfluous,  not  to  say 
scandalous,  especially  at  this  time.  .  .  .  What  a 
difference  from  the  teaching  of  Valdes,  and  how  this 
verifies  the  proverb  :  '  The  end  shows  forth  the  life, 
so  the  evening  praises  the  day/  Let  us  indeed  thank 
God  that  our  Faith  does  not  depend  upon  men,  nor 
is  it  founded  upon  the  sand,  but  upon  the  living 
stone  upon  which  in  the  same  way,  have  built  the 
Apostles  and  the  Prophets  and  all  the  other  elect 
and  saints  of  God,  Whom  may  it  please  to  grant  us 
grace  to  live  and  die  in  the  same  Faith,  to  His 
glory.  .  .  ." 

The  letter  ends  with  a  touching  allusion  to  the 
fact  of  Cardinal  Pole  having  died  sixteen  hours  after 
his  friend  Queen  Mary,  November  18,  1558. 

"  Courage  !  I  only  pray  God  that  He  will  preserve 
my  Donna  Giulia,  and  if  He  should  desire  to  take  her 
before  me,  at  least  may  He  grant  me  the  favour  He 
has  bestowed  upon  the  Cardinal  of  England,  which 
is  that  I  also  may  quickly  follow  my  Queen.  Amen. 
Amen.'' 

Carnesecchi  had  already  found  himself  involved  in 
a  dangerous  attack  from  the  Inquisition,  for  Paul  IV 
was  not  likely  to  pass  over  the  man  who  had  escaped 
from  him  through  the  clemency  of  Paul  III.  Pietro 
had  been  cited  as  early  as  October  1557,  by  a  Decree — 


CARNESECCHI  IN  PARIS  283 

"  To  appear  before  a  General  Assembly  of  the  Holy 
Cardinals  of  the  Inquisition,  at  their  tribunal  in 
Rome,  there  personally  to  clear  himself  from  the 
accusation  of  having  long  adhered  to  many  Lutheran 
Articles,  of  having  had  heretical  books,  and  of  having 
maintained  intercourse  with  heretics.'' 

This    citation    was    served  on    him  at  Venice,    on 
November  6. 

Pietro  Carnesecchi  refused  to  appear  in  Rome,  and 
was  bold  enough  to  remain  in  Venice,  which  at  that 
moment  was  in  no  friendly  mood  towards  the  Pope. 
Strained  relations  had  arisen  because  the  Republic 
had  refused  to  join  a  confederation  against  Spain, 
and  distrusted  the  suggestion  that  she  should  hold 
Sicily  as  her  own.  Carnesecchi  having  defied  the 
Pope's  citation,  was  declared  a  heretic  by  a  decree  of 
the  Inquisition,  dated  March  24,  1558,  and  having 
the  "  expressed  assent  of  the  doctors^  theologians 
and  canonists,  was  proclaimed  to  have  incurred  the 
censures  and  penalties  threatened  in  the  citation  " ; 
and  this  edict  was  published  both  in  Venice  and 
Rome. 

As  this  step  had  no  result,  final  judgment  was 
delivered  on  April  6,  1559,  whereby  Carnesecchi  was 
declared  to  be  a  heretic  in  contumacy,  and  he  was  sen- 
tenced to  the  punishments  which  attach  to  impenitent 
heretics.  All  his  property  was  confiscated  ;  he  was 
deprived  of  his  benefices,  of  which  we  remember  that 
the  Abbey  of  Eboli  was  one,  and  the  warrant  issued 
against  him  notified  that  "  he  would  be  handed  over 
to  the  secular  arm." 

In  spite  of  the  temporary  protection  of  Venice,  we 
may  imagine  what  an  anxious  life  was  led  by  the 


284  ITALIAN  KEFORMATION 

condemned  man  during  the  months  which  followed. 
He  found  his  greatest  comfort  in  the  constant  corre- 
spondence which  he  kept  up  with  the  Countess  Giulia 
Gonzaga ;  sometimes  as  many  as  three  letters  a 
week  pass  between  them  and  many  of  them  are 
written  in  cypher,  as  the  Inquisition  was  already 
suspicious  of  Giulia  and  kept  a  close  watch  upon  her 
and  her  friends.  As  the  persecution  became  more 
bitter,  many  escaped  to  Geneva,  which  became  a  kind 
of  stronghold  of  the  Reformers,  but  Giulia  herself 
refused  to  listen  to  any  persuasion.  She  also  dis- 
suaded Carnesecchi  from  this  extreme  step,  as  she 
feared  it  would  ruin  his  career.  She  had  moreover 
great  faith  in  the  influence  of  his  powerful  friends  at 
Rome  and  Florence,  and  she  could  not  believe  that 
he  would  be  in  real  danger.  We  can  only  allude  to 
a  few  of  the  many  letters  which  passed  between  these 
two  friends.  In  that  time  of  trouble  and  anxiety  on 
every  side,  the  thoughts  of  Carnesecchi  turn  often 
upon  death. 

In  one  of  his  letters  he  says : 

**  Do  not  fear  to  tread  the  path  which  has  been 
trodden  by  our  Saviour  Christ,  Who  in  dying  has 
triumphed  over  death  and  conquered  it  so  that  it 
can  no  more  harm  us.  .  .  .  But  why,  you  may  ask, 
do  I  reason  concerning  death  ?  Because  we  should 
become  so  domesticated  with  it  that  we  should  no 
more  fear  it,  not  for  ourselves  or  for  others.  ...  It 
is  but  the  gate  of  hfe,  through  which  having  passed, 
we  are  free  from  all  the  infinite  troubles  and  labours 
of  this  life,  and  above  all,  we  are  safe  from  the  danger 
of  sinning  and  offending  God,  which  is  the  true  death 
of  the  soul.  .  .  ." 


CARNESECCHI  IN  PARIS  285 

The  position  of  Carnesecclii  became  more  insecure 
every  day,  for  although  the  Venetian  Senate  had 
refused  the  first  command  to  give  him  up  to  the 
Inquisition,  it  was  quite  uncertain  what  would 
happen  next  time.  Meanwhile  the  refugees  in  Switzer- 
land strongly  urged  him  to  join  them.  When  the 
Count  Galeazzo  Caracciolo  came  over  to  visit  his 
family  with  a  safe-conduct  from  the  Viceroy  of  Naples, 
he  entreated  Carnesecchi  to  share  his  exile.  It  was 
a  strong  temptation,  for  it  meant  freedom  to  live 
openly  according  to  his  Faith,  but  he  feared  lest  his 
flight  might  do  harm  to  his  friends  in  the  prisons  of 
the  Inquisition,  and  he  had  great  hope  that  a  change 
might  come  with  a  new  Pope ;  for  the  violence  of 
Paul  IV,  had  ahenated  friends  and  foes  alike.  Thus 
he  wrote  to  Giulia,^  after  expressing  his  satisfaction 
at  not  having  fled  from  his  country  : 

"  I  give  thanks  to  God  and  to  Donna  GiuHa  who, 
I  often  say  is  like  a  fixed  star,  whose  light  directs  us 
in  our  course  through  the  midst  of  the  darkness  of 
this  blind  world  ;  and  by  her  example  guards  us  from 
many  dangers,  for  we  might  easily  have  fallen  over 
a  deep  precipice.  .  .  ."" 

And  again  when  he  expresses  his  hope  of  a  change : 

"  When  I  think  on  the  good  grounds  which  Car- 
nesecchi has  to  calculate  on  the  favour  and  help  which 
present  themselves  to  him,  as  also  on  the  goodwill 
and  mildness  which  Popes  are  wont  to  show  when  they 
begin  their  rule,  I  do  not  for  a  moment  doubt  but 

^  Besides  the  cypher,  in  these  letters  the  friends  have  often  a  cautious 
way  of  speaking  of  themselves  and  each  other,  in  the  third  person. 


286  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

that  he  will  be  rehabilitated  and  honourably  re- 
instated unless  a  Bull  have  been  issued  against  him. . . . 
In  the  meanwhile  this  has  not  yet  been  published, 
and  would  be  so  unjust  that  it  is  to  be  hoped  that 
his  successor  will  not  carry  it  out — unless  he  should 
prove  to  be  an  Alessandrino  [Michele  Ghislieri,  who 
became  Pope  in  1566.  Pius  V] — from  him  or  any 
one  like  him,  may  God  preserve  us  t  " 

Giulia  Gonzaga  was  naturally  saddened  by  the  loss 
of  dear  friends  and  the  perils  of  others,  and  she 
greatly  valued  Carnesecchi's  words  of  hope  and 
comfort.     Thus  he  writes  in  January  1559  : 

'*  What  a  beautiful  thing  is  friendship,  especially 
when  it  is  born  of  noble  hopes  and  aims,  growing 
in  depth  as  the  years  pass  on  and  the  judgment 
strengthens,  while  the  ultimate  end  is  the  love  of 
God.  This  we  can  truly  say  has  been  the  friendship 
between  these  two,  whom  God  has  blessed,  and 
bestowed  upon  them  the  grace  to  live  and  die  in  one 
mind,  happy  in  the  same  holy  desires  ;  although 
Carnesecchi  cannot  blame  himself  for  his  desire  to 
leave  this  world  some  time  before  Donna  Giulia,  not 
only  because  he  was  born  before  her,  although  at  no 
great  interval  .  .  .  but  that  he  might  perhaps,  by 
God's  mercy,  be  of  some  service  to  guide  her  across 
the  dread  passage  to  the  world  above.  .  .  .  And  in 
this  pious  and  honourable  devotion  to  each  other,  I 
repeat  once  more  that  they  are  an  example  of  rare 
friendship.  ..." 

In  the  following  March,  Pietro  Carnesecchi  writes 
concerning : 


CARNESECCHI  IN  PARIS  287 

"...  The  singular  benefits  which  he  had  received 
through  her  from  the  holy  doctrine  and  conversation 
of  Valdes,  whom  he  first  learnt  to  know  through  Donna 
Giuha,  .  -  .  for  of  himself  he  would  never  have  gained 
that  profound  belief  and  trust  which  had  wrought 
such  a  change  in  him.  .  .  .  He  could  not  say  enough 
to  commemorate  the  wonderful  consolation  and 
strengthening  which  he  had  received  from  Donna 
Giulia,  since  the  beginning  of  his  trials,  and  of  her 
wise  advice  which  had  ruled  his  conduct  throughout 
the  fiery  trials  which  he  had  endured." 

In  another  letter  he  makes  an  interesting  remark 
about  his  belief : 

"  .  .  .  We  have  agreed  together  about  this  equivocal 
word  *  catholic/  because  as  the  Signora  and  I  believe, 
the  catholic  religion  is  ours,  and  this  being  so,  I 
cannot  declare  that  I  hold  the  catholic  religion  false 
and  superstitious ;  but  that  which  is  universally 
preached,  and  especially  by  most  of  the  Friars,  is 
rather  philosophy  than  religion,  and  more  scholastic 
than  scriptural,  and  against  the  doctrine  of  the  early 
Fathers." 

This  point  is  well  stated  by  a  well-known  writer  :  * 

"  Italian  Reformers  had  become  convinced  of  the 
necessity  of  a  return  to  the  simple  elements  of  Christi- 
anity in  creed  and  conduct.  They  considered  a 
thorough- going  reform  by  the  hierarchy  of  all  Catholic 
institutions  to  be  indispensable.  They  leaned  to 
the  essential  tenets  of  the  Reformation — notably  the 

^  Addington  Symonds,  "Renaissance  in  Italy/' 


288  ITALIAN  EEFORMATION 

doctrine  of  justification  by  faith,  and  salvation  by 
the  merits  of  Christ,  and  also  to  the  doctrine  that 
Scripture  is  the  sole  authority  in  matters  of  belief 
and  discipline.  Thus  .  .  .  those  who  imbibed  the 
teaching  of  Valdes  in  Naples  fell  under  the  suspicion 
of  heterodoxy  on  these  points.  But  it  was  charac- 
teristic of  the  members  of  this  school  that  .  .  .  they 
shrank  with  horror  from  the  thought  of  encouraging 
a  schism,  or  of  severing  themselves  from  the  com- 
munion of  Catholics.*' 


CHAPTEK   XXV 

CARNESECCHI — HIS  MARTYRDOM 

Death  of  Paul  IV — Revolt  in  Rome — The  people  storm  the  Inquisition, 
set  free  the  prisoners — Carnesecchi  remains  in  Rome  to  have 
his  sentence  reversed — Long  anxious  waiting — He  goes  to  Florence 
— On  the  accession  of  Pius  V  (Michele  GhisUeri),  Carnesecchi  is 
given  up  by  Cosimo  Duke  of  Florence — He  is  taken  to  Rome,  and 
suffers  martyrdom — His  trial  by  the  Inquisition 

We  have  now  reached  a  moment  of  intense  interest 
and  excitement,  not  only  for  Pietro  Carnesecchi,  but 
for  all  those  in  Italy  who  had  adopted  the  Reformed 
doctrines.  The  wonderful  vigour  of  the  old  monkish 
Pope,  Paul  IV,  began  to  give  way,  and  in  many 
letters  to  Giulia  Gonzaga,  her  friend  gives  voice  to 
the  general  feeling  of  suspense  and  anxiety  ;  thus  he 
says  in  one  of  June  24,  1559  : 

**  Vostra  Signoria  will  have  heard  of  the  progress 
of  the  Pope's  illness,  and  of  the  judgments  which 
are  passed  :  but  I  will  not  dwell  upon  more  than  to 
pray  you  to  have  comfort  and  patience,  trusting  that 
all  will  be  well  for  the  safety  and  liberation  of  D. 
Bartolomeo  and  of  Morone,  and  also  of  the  restitution 
of  Carnesecchi.  ..." 

At  last  arrives  the  news  of  the  Pope's  death,  but 
while  he  was  still  in  the  last  agony,  the  populace  rose 
in  fierce  revolt  and  wild  joy  at  being  free  from  the 

19  289 


290  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

cruel  persecutor.    This  was   on  August  18,   1559. 
The  story  is  graphically  told  by  Alfred  von  Reumont.^ 

"In  the  Capitol,  a  decree  was  set  forth  by  which 
the  prisons  were  to  be  opened  ;  then  the  wild  masses 
spread  themselves  throughout  the  city.  They  first 
stormed  the  building  of  the  Inquisition,  they  threw 
all  its  documents  out  of  the  windows,  and  they 
plundered  the  apartments  of  Cardinal  Ghisheri,  he 
being  the  highest  resident  authority  ;  they  did  the 
same  to  the  other  officials,  personally  maltreating 
them  ;  they  set  fire  to  and  burned  part  of  the  palace 
down.  The  news  of  the  Pope's  death  having  spread, 
they  hurried  to  Santa  Maria  sopra  Minerva,  they  set 
free  those  who  were  imprisoned  there,  and  would 
have  burnt  down  that  convent  and  have  thrown 
the  monks  out  of  the  windows,  had  they  not  been 
prevented  by  Giuliano  Cesarini.  The  other  prisons, 
the  Torre  Savella,  the  Tor  di  Nona,  and  that  of  the 
Senators,  were  also  broken  open  ;  they  set  at  liberty 
four  hundred  prisoners,  of  whom  .  .  .  But  they  did 
worse  the  day  after  the  Pope's  death.  ,  .  . 

"  Some  months  before,  a  statue  had  been  erected 
to  Paul  IV  in  the  Capitol.  This  statue  now  became 
the  object  on  which  the  people  vented  their  fury.  .  .  . 
When  the  rejoicing  attained  its  height  on  the  third 
day,  the  Sunday,  all  the  inscriptions  and  arms  of  the 
Caraffa  were  smashed  and  obliterated." 

Carnesecchi  wrote  to  Giulia  Gonzaga  on  September 
2,  1559 : 

"  Vostra  Signoria  will  have  heard  how  the  Holy 

*  "  History  of  the  City  of  Rome,"  vol.  iii.  part  2,  p.  543. 


CARNESECCHI— HIS  MARTYRDOM      291 

Inquisition  has  died  the  same  death  which  it  was 
accustomed  to  inflict  upon  others — that  of  fire.  This 
certainly  remains  a  notable  thing,  from  which  it 
appears  that  the  judgments  of  that  Office  were  not 
pleasing  to  the  Divine  Clemency,  and  we  trust  that 
in  the  future  there  will  be  less  rigour  and  severity 
than  in  the  past/' 

He  then  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  results  of  the 
Pope's  death,  on  September  9  : 

"  I  have  rejoiced  at  the  departure  of  the  Pope  for 
all  respects,  public  and  private ;  but  above  all,  I 
am  most  deeply  thankful  from  having  heard  that  if 
he  had  not  passed  away  so  soon,  he  would  have 
given  the  death-stroke  to  Donna  Giulia.  ...  in  all 
that  happened  we  believe  that  we  see  the  mercy  of 
God,  Who  permitted  this  in  order  to  save  Donna 
Giulia  and,  for  the  love  of  her,  all  her  friends  and 
servants." 

After  this  we  have  an  account  of  the  Conclave, 
when  it  seemed  quite  likely  at  first  that  either  Cardinal 
Morone  might  be  elected,  or  Cardinal  Gonzaga  of 
Mantua,  who  was  a  great  friend  of  the  Countess  of 
Fondi.  Carnesecchi,  believing  in  the  justice  of  his 
cause,  had  travelled  to  Rome  to  have  his  condemnation 
by  the  Inquisition  set  aside.  The  College  of  Cardinals 
had  already  set  Morone  free,  and  decided  that  the 
process  against  him  was  null  and  void,  false  and 
iniquitous ;  and  as  such  it  was  condemned  to  be 
burnt.  With  regard  to  Morone,  Pietro  is  very  frank 
for  he  writes :  "  Should  Morone  become  Pope,  we 
could  wish  him  to  lay   aside   one  fault  which  he 


292  ITALIAN  EEFORMATION 

showed  when  he  voted  for  Paul  IV ;  his  faint- 
heartedness/' 

In  the  end  the  choice  fell  upon  Cardinal  Giovanni 
Angelo  Medici ;  not  one  of  the  famous  family  at 
Florence,  but  a  Milanese  of  insignificant  birth.  He 
took  the  name  of  Pius  IV,  and  was  in  every  way  a 
great  contrast  to  the  fiery  dominant  man  who  had 
preceded  him.  This  amiable,  kindly  disposed  prelate 
only  wished  to  live  at  peace  with  all  men,  and  ap- 
parently for  this  reason,  Carnesecchi  found  great 
difficulty  in  persuading  him  to  reopen  the  trial. 
Meantime,  Pietro  was  advised  to  live  in  complete 
seclusion,  and  only  to  go  out  at  night.  Indeed  he 
was  almost  a  prisoner  in  the  Cloister  of  the  Servites, 
St.  Marcellus,  on  the  Corso.  The  revision  of  his 
process  dragged  on  wearily  from  week  to  week  and 
from  month  to  month.  Even  Morone  who  was  in 
favour  with  Pius  IV,  scarcely  dared  to  speak  in  his 
favour. 

On  August  31,  1560,  he  wrote  that  he  no  longer 
looked  for  his  liberation  from  men,  nor  from  the 
Pope,  but  from  God  only.  The  Cardinal  of  Trent, 
who  had  been  appointed  an  Inquisitor,  visited  him 
in  his  convent  in  September ;  and  in  October,  Cardinal 
Seripando  who  was  also  one  of  his  friends,  went  to 
see  him.  Next  the  Duke  Cosimo  of  Florence  and  his 
wife  came  to  Rome,  and  appear  to  have  used  their 
influence  in  his  favour.  But  on  December  5,  1560, 
Carnesecchi  writes  in  despair  : 

"  There  is  no  progress !  The  fault  lies  with  the 
Inquisitors,  partly  because  they  will  not  judge  as 
right  and  duty  dictate.  ...  0  God,  pardon  them  who 
sin  through  ignorance ;   but  the  others  convert.  .  .  . 


CARNESECCHI—HIS  MARTYRDOM      293 

As  to  Seripando,  lie  cannot  be  relied  upon  for  he  does 
not  take  his  seat  at  the  tribunal ;  he  is  sick,  and 
would  willingly  act  the  truant,  for  he  well  knows  the 
difficulties,  and  has  not  the  courage  to  meet  them 
single-handed/' 

However  at  last,  on  December  13,  Pietro  was 
admitted  to  the  presence  of  the  Pope,  who  had 
decided  to  withdraw  the  process  from  the  tribunal, 
and  to  deliver  judgment  himself.  The  plaintiff 
appears  to  have  been  a  little  doubtful  as  to  the 
wisdom  of  this,  but  he  was  more  hopeful  when  he 
wrote  on  the  following  January  : 

"  I  have  had  so  much  to  do  and  consider  in  giving 
my  answers  to  my — shall  I  call  them  judges  or 
opponents  ? — that  I  have  scarcely  found  time  to 
eat  and  to  sleep  ;  still  less  to  write  about  my  affairs 
which  encountered  such  a  storm  that  at  times  I  feared 
shipwreck.  But  now  I  trust  that  all  is  well,  and 
that  I  am  so  near  the  haven  as  to  be  in  safety. 
My  storms  sprang  from  my  refusal  to  deny  the 
favourable  opinions  which  I  hold  of  Valdes  and  of 
Galeazzo  Caraccioli.  ..." 

At  last,  after  eighteen  months  of  anxiety  and 
suffering,  he  was  able  to  write,  on  May  8,  1561  : 

"  All  has  been  considered  ...  by  these  my  illustrious 
and  most  reverend  Lords  Cardinals,  and  has  ended 
well  ...  as  the  enclosed  document  proves  .  .  .  which 
I  beg  you  to  send  to  Monsignor  Mario  (Galeota, 
Archbishop  of  Sorrento)  ...  in  order  that  he  may 
now  rejoice  over  my  Hberation.  ..." 


294  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Pietro  Carnesecchi  remained  in  Rome  until  October, 
when  he  went  to  Naples  to  salute  the  Countess  of 
Fondi  and  his  other  friends.  He  lodged  with  the 
monks  of  San  Giovanni,  who  were  commanded  by 
Cardinal  Seripando  to  make  him  welcome,  but  they 
treated  him  with  suspicion  and  dislike,  as  a  heretic. 
During  the  next  few  years,  he  travelled  much,  and 
it  is  one  of  the  accusations  made  in  his  final  judgment 
that  "  he  occupied  himself  with  heretics  in  Rome, 
in  Naples,  in  Florence,  in  Venice  and  other  parts  of 
Italy,  supporting  suspected  persons  with  counsel 
and  with  money." 

The  last  letter  cited  in  these  proceedings  of  the 
Inquisition  was  one  written  to  Giulia  Gonzaga  in 
November  1563,  from  the  Abbey  of  Casal  Nuovo. 

**  Be  not  surprised  at  my  great  activity  or  wanton- 
ness, when  you  contemplate  me  rushing  like  Caesar 
with  such  rapidity  through  Italy.  ...  I  feel  more 
robust  than  ever ;  it  appears  to  be  God's  will  to 
compensate  me  here  on  earth  for  the  sicknesses  and 
other  afflictions  which,  sent  by  Him,  I  have  patiently 
borne." 

In  spite  of  all  their  warnings  from  abroad,  those 
friends  of  Carnesecchi  who  had  fled  to  Geneva,  could 
not  persuade  him  to  leave  his  native  land.  Yet  he 
was  full  of  anxious  thought  for  Giulia,  whom  he 
persuaded,  in  1564,  to  send  to  him  at  Venice  the 
writings  of  Valdes  which  she  had,  lest  the  possession 
of  them  should  place  her  in  danger.  He  appears  to 
have  had  some  foreboding  of  the  dark  hour  which 
was  drawing  near. 

Early  in  December  of  1565,the  mild  and  peace-loving 


CARNESECCHI— HIS  MARTYRDOM     295 

Pope  Pius  IV — who  had  achieved  for  the  Church  so 
great  a  success  at  the  Council  of  Trent,  by  his  wise 
diplomacy — passed  away,  to  the  deep  regret  of  all 
moderate  churchmen.  His  nephew  Carlo  Borromeo, 
the  sainted  Archbishop  of  Milan,  had  been  a  source 
of  strength  to  a  Pope  who  had  opened  a  new  era 
for  the  Church  and  who  was  able  to  pass  on  a  sceptre 
of  undisputed  authority  to  his  successors.  The  Pope 
elected  by  the  Conclave  was  the  inexorable  Dominican 
inquisitor  of  Paul  IV,  Michele  GhisHeri,  Cardinal  of 
Alexandria,  who  took  the  title  of  Pius  V.  Now 
began  an  era  of  active  hostility  against  Protestantism  ; 
fierce  persecution  of  all  suspected  heretics  in  Italy, 
and  by  the  firm  alliance  with  Phihp  II  of  Spain, 
attacks  upon  the  Huguenots  in  France,  the  Pro- 
testants in  Flanders,  and  the  English  throne. 

Three  months  after  the  accession  of  Pius  V,  Car- 
nesecchi  had  lost  his  "  revered  queen,"  Giulia  Gon- 
zaga,  who  died  at  Naples  on  April  19,  1566  ;  and  in 
the  midst  of  his  deep  sorrow  at  this  bereavement,  he 
must  have  thanked  God  that  his  beloved  lady  was 
saved  from  the  evil  to  come. 

As  for  his  own  fate,  he  realized  the  imminence  of 
his  danger  now  that  his  most  bitter  enemy  had 
attained  supreme  power.  He  sought  protection  at 
the  Court  of  his  friend  Duke  Cosimo  at  Florence. 
One  day  that  summer,  he  was  sitting  as  a  guest  at 
the  table  of  the  Duke,  when  the  friar  TomasoManrique, 
Master  of  the  Papal  palace,  was  announced,  as  come 
on  a  special  mission  and  desiring  an  interview. 
Manrique  produced  a  letter  dated  June  20,  1566,  in 
which  after  greeting  Cosimo  with  the  Apostolic 
Benediction,  he  was  called  upon  to  dehver  over 
Carnesecchi  into  the  hands  of  the  Inquisition.     The 


296  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

Duke,  who  was  probably  prepared  for  the  summons, 
at  once  commanded  his  friend  and  guest  to  rise  from 
the  table  and  surrender  himself  to  the  Papal  mes- 
senger. This  shameful  act  of  treachery  on  the  part 
of  Cosimo  found  its  full  reward  later  when  Pius  V 
bestowed  upon  him  the  crowning  honour  of  his  life ; 
the  long  coveted  title  of  "  Grand  Duke  "  of  Tuscany. 

Pietro  Carnesecchi  made  a  final  attempt  to  protect 
his  friends  by  sending  word  to  his  household  that 
all  his  books  and  papers  should  be  destroyed.  The 
only  suspected  works  found  were  said  to  be  Flaminio's 
Apology  for  the  "  Benefizio "  and  a  manuscript, 
dedicated  to  GiuUa  Gonzaga,  entitled  :  "  Meditations 
and  Prayers  on  St.  Paul's  Epistles  to  the  Romans." 
As  for  the  numerous  letters  which  had  passed 
between  himself  and  the  Countess  of  Fondi,  a  great 
number  must  have  been  seized  by  the  Inquisition,  as 
they  were  made  to  furnish  leading  evidence  for  the 
condemnation  of  the  accused. 

Carnesecchi  was  taken  a  captive  to  Rome  and 
lodged  in  the  prison  of  the  Holy  Office.  Then 
followed  a  long  series  of  terribly  wearisome  and 
trying  examinations,  and  when  these  failed  to  obtain 
evidence  against  his  friends,  the  rack  was  freely 
employed,  but  still  without  avail.  The  prisoner 
wrote  from  his  dungeon  to  Morone,  to  the  Cardinal 
of  Trent,  to  the  Abbot  of  San  Soluto  and  to 
Bartolomeo  Concino ;  but  the  letters  were  seized, 
and  only  served  with  the  judges  of  that  dread 
tribunal,  to  enhance  his  guilt.  One  pathetic  sen- 
tence was :  "  They  would  fain  have  me  say  of 
the  living  and  the  dead,  things  which  I  do  not 
know  and  which  they  are  so  eager  to  hear."' 

Through  fifteen  long  months  of  imprisonment  and 


CARNESECCHI— HIS  MARTYRDOM      297 

frequent  torture,  these  awful  examinations  continued, 
until  at  length,  on  August  16,  1567,  sentence  was 
delivered  by  the  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition,  and 
published  in  Santa  Maria  sopra  Minerva.  The  con- 
demned man  was  then  handed  over  to  "  the  secular 
arm,''  and  led  away  to  the  most  terrible  and  pesti- 
lential prison  in  Rome,  the  Tor  di  Nona,  near  the 
Porte  St.  Angelo,  from  which  he  was  only  to  be 
delivered  by  a  cruel  death,  inflicted  with  all  the 
infamy  of  a  public  execution.  For  a  month  and  more 
Carnesecchi  awaited  death  in  the  unspeakable  horrors 
of  his  dungeon,  while  no  efforts  were  neglected  to 
induce  him  to  recant.  One  Capuchin  friar  who  came 
to  persuade  him  to  save  his  life  by  denying  his  Faith, 
was  so  much  moved  by  his  eloquent  words,  that  he 
dared  not  listen  and  departed  in  tears.  In  con- 
sideration of  his  having  been  at  one  time  a  Papal 
Protonotary,  he  was  granted  the  favour  of  the 
scaffold  rather  than  the  gallows,  before  his  body  should 
be  committed  to  the  flames. 

It  was  in  the  early  morning  of  October  3,  1567, 
that  was  enacted  the  final  scene  of  this  tragedy,  and 
it  may  be  truly  said  that  the  martyr's  faithful  life 
was  crowned  by  his  death.  Carnesecchi  was  borne  to 
the  Ponte  St.  Angelo,  amidst  the  execrations  and 
curses  of  the  fanatical  rabble  which  crowded  round 
him,  but  he  retained  his  courage  and  composure  to 
the  last.  They  clothed  him  in  a  "  sanbenito,"  the 
garment  of  heresy,  painted  over  with  flames  and 
devils,  but  he  had  insisted  that  he  would  at  least 
appear  in  clean  linen,  and  he  wore  a  white  shirt,  and 
had  a  w^hite  handkerchief  in  his  hand.  He  was  first 
beheaded,  then  burnt  in  the  flames  of  the  Inquisition, 
and  his  ashes  were  cast  into  the  Tiber.     With  him 


298  ITALIAN  REFORMATION 

suffered  a  Friar,  Giulio  Maresio,  of  the  city  of  Cividale, 
of  the  Order  of  Minor  Friars. 

The  Inquisition  had  condemned  on  the  same 
occasion,  fifteen  other  hving  heretics,  who  were 
condemned  to  imprisonment  for  Hfe  or  to  the  galleys. 

The  full  account  of  the  great  Trial  of  Carnesecchi 
is  probably  the  most  interesting  and  most  instructive 
of  all  the  Records  of  the  Roman  Inquisition.  It  is 
of  special  importance  to  us,  apart  from  the  accused 
man  himself,  for  he  was  but  the  figure-head,  and  the 
real  process  was  a  cold-blooded  arraignment  of  his 
living  friends,  and  above  all  of  the  illustrious  dead. 

In  the  roll-call  of  that  heroic  company  of  men 
and  women,  we  find  the  most  honoured  names, 
revered  by  all  the  world — of  those  who  through  good 
report  and  evil,  had  striven  for  the  Reformation  of  the 
Church,  and  had  led  the  way  by  the  example  of  their 
saintly  lives.  Yet  all  the  time,  they  had  been  secretly 
watched  and  suspected  by  the  Inquisition ;  some 
had  been  tried  and  condemned  while  others  had  only 
escaped  by  forsaking  all  that  made  life  dear  to  them, 
and  seeking  a  refuge  as  exiles  in  a  foreign  land.  But 
at  the  time  of  Carnesecchi's  Trial,  in  1566,  most  of 
them  had  passed  away  in  faith  and  hope— mercifully 
spared  the  cruel  ordeal  and  the  flames  of  the  "  Holy 
Office."  To  the  familiars  of  the  Inquisition,  the 
pursuit  of  heresy  ceased  not  with  the  grave ;  the 
sacred  memory  of  the  dead  was  to  be  stained  with 
infamy,  their  glory  blotted  out  with  shameful  con- 
demnation. We  see  them  pass  before  us  in  doomed 
procession.  First  the  earnest  prelates  and  laymen 
eager  for  the  Church's  reformation,  who  met  for 
prayer  and  meditation  in  the  "  Oratory  of  Divine 
Love  "  at  Rome,  led  by  Caraffa,  who  as  Pope  Paul  IV, 


CARNESECCHI— HIS  MARTYRDOM     299 

was  the  first  to  betray  them.  We  have  followed  the 
progress  of  Reform  from  city  to  city,  the  pious 
company  who  gathered  round  Cardinal  Pole  and 
Vittoria  Colonna  at  Viterbo,  those  who  formed  a 
devoted  circle  with  Contarini  in  Venice,  or  sat  at  the 
feet  of  Valdes  in  Naples,  not  to  mention  the  groups 
at  Ferrara,  at  Florence  and  elsewhere. 

With  scarcely  an  exception,  of  these  the  living  and 
the  dead  were  alike  arraigned  and  condemned  by 
that  fearful  tribunal  of  Inquisitors,  and  Pietro 
Carnesecchi  was  made  the  scapegoat  for  them  all. 
Here  was  the  real  tragedy  of  those  fifteen  long  months 
of  martyrdom  which  he  endured  in  body  and  spirit, 
when  day  by  day,  and  hour  by  hour,  he  was  tortured 
by  subtle  and  deceptive  questions,  and  entrapped  in 
every  way  by  astute  men  of  fatal  inquisitorial  ex- 
perience and  talent.  Moreover,  by  means  of  spies 
and  the  seizing  of  all  private  letters  and  papers,  the 
Inquisition  had  already  the  most  intimate  knowledge 
of  all  that  Carnesecchi  and  his  friends  had  ever  said 
or  written.  This  could  naturally  be  distorted  to 
mean  anything  they  wished  to  prove. 

This  is  no  mere  general  statement,  but  can  be 
proved  beyond  a  doubt  by  the  extraordinary  chance 
which  has  revealed  the  most  secret  Records  of  the 
Roman  Inquisition,  in  the  case  of  this  supremely 
interesting  Trial  of  Carnesecchi.  ^  From  these  Records, 
we  have  already  seen  how  he  was  questioned  at 
interminable  length  with  regard  to  Vittoria  Colonna, 
Marchese  di  Pescara,  and  when  this  great  lady  had 
been  convicted  of  heresy,  Carnesecchi  was  further 
tortured  to  make  him  betray  every  one  who  had  been 
in  communication  with  her.  No  one  was  sacred  from 
^  See  note  at  the  end  of  the  book. 


300  ITALIAN   REFORMATION 

this  Tribunal.  The  Countess  of  Fondi,  Giulia  Gonzaga, 
whom  he  revered  as  a  saint  and  was  proud  to  call 
**  his  Queen/'  was  accused  of  holding  false  doctrines, 
and  he  was  driven  to  despair  by  being  entangled  into 
dangerous  admissions  with  regard  to  her  opinions. 

It  is  true  that  the  case  of  Giulia  Gonzaga  was 
already  pre-doomed,  for  on  the  accession  of  Pius  V 
(Michele  Ghislieri)  in  1566  he  had  come  into  posses- 
sion of  a  chest  containing  a  great  number  of  her 
letters  to  Carnesecchi  and  others.  On  reading  these 
papers,  the  Pope  had  declared  that  "  if  he  had  seen 
these  before  her  death,  he  would  have  taken  good 
care  to  burn  her  alive." 

NOTE 

Amongst  other  treasures  which  Napoleon  I  carried  away  from 
Rome  between  1810  and  1813,  was  an  immense  quantity  of  the  most 
secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  no  less  than  45,818  volumes.  The 
conqueror  proposed  at  that  time  to  make  Paris  a  central  depot  for  the 
archives  of  Europe.  It  was  not  until  July  1817,  that  Louis  XVIII 
restored  to  Pius  VII  what  was  thought  to  be  the  whole  of  these  valuable 
documents.  But  in  1846,  the  Duke  of  Manchester  bought  a  number 
of  Papal  documents  for  £600,  and  these  were  examined  in  Ireland  by 
the  Rev.  Richard  Gibbings,  who  was  amazed  to  discover  that  amongst 
these  papers  were  the  original  MS3.  of  the  Roman  Inquisition,  contain- 
ing the  whole  of  the  "Trial  of  Pietro  Carnesecchi,  sometime  Secretary 
to  Pope  Clement  VII  and  Apcstohc  Protonotary." 

These  were  ultimately  placed  in  the  Trinity  College,  Dublin.  Here  a 
German  scholar.  Professor  Karl  Benrath,  of  Bonn,  who  had  been  engaged 
for  years  on  the  study  of  the  Italian  Reformation,  found  these  records 
in  1876,  and  put  in  order  the  fifty-seven  bound  volumes  and  twelve 
unbound  ones.  He  discovered  that  fourteen  volumes  of  the  collection 
contained  original  Records  of  the  Roman  Inquisition,  being  the  final 
judgments  in  the  trials  of  Itahan  heretics,  between  December  16,  1564, 
and  the  year  1679  (and  a  detailed  account  of  the  whole  conduct  of  the 
most  typical  of  all,  the  Trial  of  Carnesecchi). 

In  a  collection  of  the  Archives  of  the  Dandini  Family,  bought  by 
Count  Giacomo  Manzini  in  1860,  are  documents  which  corroborate  the 
whole  of  the  account  given  in  the  Records  of  the  Inquisition  of  Car- 
uesecchi's  Trial. 


CHIEF  AUTHORITIES  CONSULTED 

Agostini,   A.  i    Pietro   Carnesecchi  e   il  movitnento    Valdesiano. 

Florence,  1899. 
Alberi,  Eugenio  :    Vita  di  Caterina  del  Medici.     Firenze,  1838. 
Archivio  secreto  del  Vaticano. 
Arckivio  di  Stato  in  Modena. 
Aubigne,  Merle  d'  :    Histoire  de  la  Reformation  en  Europe  au 

temps  de  Calvin. 
Auton,  Jean  d'  :    Histoire  de  Louis  XII.     Paris,  1625. 
Baguenault  de  Puchesse,  F. :   Histoire  du  Concile  de  T rente. 
Bala,  Pietro  :   Storia  di  Clemente  VII. 
Beccatelli,    Lodovico :     Vita   del   Cardinale   Gasparo   Contarini. 

Venice,  1563. 
Bembo,  Pietro  :    Opere.     Milano,  1810. 

Benrath,  Karl :    Bernardino  Ochino,  von  Siena.     Leipzig,  1875. 
Benrath,  Karl :    Vita  di  Caterina  Cibo. 
Beza,  T.  :    Vita  di  Calvino.     1564. 
/Betts,  John  T.  :  A  Glance  at  the  Italian  Reformation.    Translated 
/^  from  the  German  of  Leopold  Witte.    London,  1885. 

Betts,  Maria  :    Life  of  Galeazzo  Caraccioli  (translated  from  the 

Italian  of  Nicolao  Balbani,  1587).     London,  1907. 
Bliimmer,  Franz  :    Renata  von  Ferrara.     1870. 
Bohemer  :  Le  cento  e  dieci  considerazione  di  Gio.  Valdcs.     Halls, 

1860. 
Bonnet,  Jules  :    Calvin  au  Val  d^Aoste.     Paris,  1861. 
Bonnet,  Jules  :    Vie  d'Olympia  Morata.    Paris,  1851. 
Bonnet,  Jules  :    Les  Debuts  d^un  regne.    Paris,  1886. 
Bonnet,  Jules  :    Lettres  a  la  Duchesse  de  Ferrara. 
Brantome  :    Vie  des  dames  illustres.     Paris,  Garnier  Fr6res. 
Braun,  W.  :    Cardinal  Gasparo  Contarini.     1903. 
Calvin,  Lettres  de,  a  Jacques  de  Bourgogne.      Amsterdam,  1774. 
Campori,  Giustini ;    Vittoria  Colonna.    Modena,  1878. 

301 


302    CHIEF   AUTHORITIES  CONSULTED 

Cantu,  C. :    Gli  Eretici  d'ltalia.    3  vols.     Turin,  1865. 
Caraccioli,  A. :    Compendio  deW   Istoria  del  Regno  di  Napoli. 

Venice,  1591. 
Caraccioli,  A. :    De  vita  Pauli  IV.    Cologne,  1612. 
Cibrario,  Luigi :   Lettere  inedite  di  Santi,  Papi,  principe,  ecc. 
Carrasco,  Manuel :    Alfonso  e  Juan  de  V aides.     Geneve,  1880. 
Comba,  E.  :   /  nostri  protestanti.    2  vols.    Florence,  1881. 
Creighton,  D.  :    History  of  the  Papacy  during  the  Period  of  the 

Reformation.     Vol.  VI.     London,  1882. 
Crespin,  Jean  :    Histoire  des  martyr es  persecutes  et  mis  a   mort 

pour  la  verite  de  VEvangile.     Toulouse,  1585. 
Curione,  Secundo  Celio  :  Olympiae  Fulviae  Moratae  .  .  .  Opera 

omnia  .  .  .  Basilea  ex  officina  Petri  Pernae.  1580. 
Dittrich.,  F  :  Gasparo  Contarini.  Braunsburg,  1883. 
Duruy,  G.  :  Le  Cardinal  Carlo  Caraffa.  Paris,  1882. 
Feliciangeli,  B.  Dott.  :    Notizie  e  documenti  sulla  vita  di  Caterina 

Cibo,  Duchessa  di  Camerina.     Ivi,  libreria  Fattorino,  1891. 
Florabelli,  A. :    Vita  dell  Cardinale  Sadoleto.     1547. 
Fontana,  Bartolomeo  :  Documenti  Vaticani  contro  Veresia  luterana 

in   Italia   Archivio  della    R.  Soc.    Rom.   di  Storia   Patria. 

Vol.  XV.    Kome,  1892. 
Fontana,  Bartolomeo  :    Renata  di  Francia,  Duchessa  di  Ferrara. 

3  vols.     Rome,  1889. 
Ferriere,  H.  de  la  :    Marguerite  d' Angouleme.    Paris,  1891. 
Froude  :    Lectures  on  the  Council  of  Trent.    London,  1896. 
Galiffe,  G. :   Le  refuge  Italien  de  Geneve  au  XVI  et  XVII  Siecles. 

Geneve,  1881. 
Gerdes,  Dauieles  :   Italiae  Reformatae.     1765. 
Giannone  :    Istoria  Civile  del  Regno  di  Napoli. 
Gibbings,  R.  :  Trial  and  Martyrdom  of  Pietro  Carnesecchi.  Dublin, 

1856. 
Giovio,  Paolo  :    La  vita  di  Alfonso  da  Este,  duca  di    Ferrara. 

Venezia,  1597. 
Grand,  Le  :    Histoire  du  divorce  de  Henri  VIII.     1688. 
Guazzo,  Marco  :    Istorie.    Storie  Imprese.    Venezia,  1540. 
Guicciardini,  Fr.  :    Storia  d'ltalia.    Firenze,  1822. 
GuUlemin,  J.  J.  :   Le  Cardinal  de  Lorraine^    Paris,  1847. 
Haile,  Martin  :    Life  of  Cardinal  Pole. 
Herminjard,  A.  L. :    Correspondance  des  Reformateurs.    Gendve, 

1878. 


CHIEF   AUTHORITIES   CONSULTED    303 

Lavallee,    J. :     Histoire    des    Inquisitions    religieuses.    2    vols. 

Paris,  1808. 
Lee,  F.  G. :    Reginald  Pole,  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 

London,  1888. 
Lettere   volgare    di   diversi  nobilissimi   uomini  et   eccellentissimi 

Ingegni.    Venice,  1547. 
Lettere  di  Claudio  Tolomei.    Venice,  1547. 
Marot,  Clement :  Oeuvres  completes.     Paris.     (Marpon  et  Flam- 

marion.) 
McCrie  :    History  of  the  Reformation  in  Italy.    Edinburgh,  1827. 
Mendham,  J.  :   The  Literary  Policy  of  the  Church  of  Rome.    Lon- 
don, 1830. 
Muratori,  L.  A. :   Annali  d'ltalia.    Florence,  1840. 
Nichols,  F.  H.  :   Epistles  of  Erasmus.    London,  1901. 
Ochino,    Bernardino :     Sermones,     Dialoghi,    ecc.    Basle     and 

Geneva,  1541-1554. 
Ochino,    Bernardino :     Prediche    predicate    nelVinclita    citta    di 

Venezia,  del  1539.     Basilea,  1541. 
Paleario,  Aonio  :    Works  of.     Jena,  1728. 

Pallavicino,  Sforza  :   Istoria  del  Concilio  di  Trente.    Roma,  1833. 
Pecci :    Memorie  della  citta  di  Siena.     1758. 
Pole,  Reginald  :   Epistolae,  ecc.     Ed.  Quirini.     Brescia,  1744. 
Reumont,  A. :    Vitadi  Vittoria  Colonna.    Freiburg,  1881 ;  Torino, 

1883. 
Ricotti :    Delle  revolutione  protestante.    Florence,  1861. 
Rodocanachi,  E. :    Renee  de  Ferrara.    Paris,  1896. 
Ruscelli,  G. :    Lettere  di  principi.    Venezia,  1574. 
Sadoleto,  I.  :    Opera.    4  vols.     Venezia,  1787. 
Sarpi,  Paolo  :   Storia  del  Concilio  Tridentino. 
Schmidt,  Dr.  C. :    Peter  Martyr  Vermigli.    Heidelberg,  1809. 
Sclopis,  F. :   Le  Cardinal  Jean  Morone.     1869. 
Tiraboschi,  Girolamo,  Abate  :    Storia  della  Literatura  Italiano. 

Milan,  1824. 
Tufo,  del :    Chronicle  of  the  Theatines.     1542. 
Turnbull :    The  Times,  Life  and  Writings  of  Olympia  Morata. 

Boston,  1846. 
Ugolino  :  Storie  dei  conti  e  duchi  di  Urbino.    Firenze,  1859. 
Valdes,  Juan  :   Alfabeto  Cristiano.     Translated  by  B.  B.  Wifien. 
Valdes,  Juan  :   Dialogo  de  Mercurio  y  Caron. 
Valdes,  Juan  :    110  Divine  Consider azione. 


304      CHIEF  AUTHORITIES  CONSULTED 

Valdes,  Juan  :  XVII  Opusculi.  Translated  from  the  Spanish 
and  Italian  and  edited  by  J.  J.  Betts. 

Valdes,  Juan  :  Efistle  to  the  Romans,  Commentary  on.  Trans- 
lated.   Triibner,  1882. 

Valdes,  Juan  :  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  Commentary  on.  Trans- 
lated.    1882. 

Valdes,  Juan  :  Epistle  to  Corinthians,  Commentary  on.  (Juan 
Perez.) 

Valdes,  Juan  :   Commentaries  on  the  Psalms. 

Varillas  :    Histoire  de  Vheresie. 

Vergerio,  P.  P. :    Opera.    Tiibingen,  1560. 

Wiffen,  Benjamin  B. :  Life  and  Writings  of  Juan  Valdes.  Lon- 
don, 1865.  With  110  Considerations,  translated  by  J.  J. 
Betts. 

Young,  M.  :   Life  and  Times  of  Aonio  Paleario.    London,  1860. 


INDEX 


Adrian  VI,  Pope,  7 

Aldelli,  Placido,  213 

Aleander,  Archbishop  of  Brindisi, 

16,  21,  98 
Alois,  Giovanrxi.     See  Caserta 
Altieri,  Baldassare,  273 
Alva,  Duke  of,  280 
Ambrose,  47 
Anne  Boleyn,  37,  38 
Aragona,  Anna  d',  248 

—  Uiuliad',  196 

—  Isabella  d',  223 

—  Katherine  of,  87 
Ariosto,  Lodovico,  88,  90,  229 
Aristotle,  18,  23,  28,  75 
Aubeterre,  Vicomte  d',  102 
Augsburg,  80,  113,  165,  167,  168, 

169,256;  Diet  of,  178 
Augustine,  47 
Avaios,  Alfonso.     See  Pescara 

—  Costanza,    Princess    of    Fran- 
cavilla,  237 

Badia,  Tommaso,  Cardinal,  16 
Balzo,  Antonia  del,  223,  243 
Barbara  of  Austria,   Duchess   of 

Ferrara,  130 
Barbarossa,  102 
Basil,  47 
Basle,   79,  80,   82,   99,   168,  200, 

204,  205,  206,  232 
BeccadelU,  Lodovico,  22 
Bembo,  Pietro,  26,  27,  29,  36,  41, 

57,  76,  136,  137,  156,  209,  213, 

214,  266 
Benedetto  of  Mantua,  47,  211,  235 
Bemi,  Frsmcesco,  65 
Beza,  Theodore,  97,  98,  101 
Bologna,  22,  32,  53,  56,   75,  89, 

116,  209,  220 
Bonamico,  Lazaro,  36,  37 
Bonfadio,    Giacomo,    223,      235, 

236 
Borromeo,  Carlo,  32,  295 
Bourbon,  Duke  of,  252 


Brandenburg,  Albert  of,  179 
Brasavola,  Antonio  Musa,  88,  94 
Bretagne,  Anne  de,  85,  89,  96 
Brisegna,  Isabella,  223,  238,  239, 

270 
Bruccioli,  Antonio,  15,  59,  110 
Brunswick,  Duke  of,  182 
Bucer,  Martin,  47,  75,  79,  81,  272 
Bucyronia,  Francesca,   103,    154, 

174,  175,  187 
Bulhnger,  79 

—  Henry,  200 

—  Johann,  200 

Buonarotti,  Michelangelo,  57,  234 

Calcagnani,   CeUo,    88,    108,    149, 

150;  death  of,  154 
Calvin,  82,  91,  97-105,  113,  118, 

121,  124,  125, 130,  175,  196,  257, 

261 
Cambrai,  Treaty  of,  87 
Capilupi,  Camillo,  242 
Capo  d'Istria,  138,  141,  142,  143 
Capua,  Pietrantonio  di,  231 
Caraccioh,  Colantonio,  252,  254, 

255,  258,  259 

—  Galeazzo,  51,  77,  120,  231, 
252-262,  285 

—  Vittoria,  253,  254,  256,  257, 
260,261,262 

Caraffa,  Giampietro,  Pavil  IV,  14, 
15,  16,  18,  21,  32,  39,  63,  58,  66, 
117,  123,  180,  213,  237,  269, 
260,  281,  282,  285,  292,  293 

Cardona,  Diana,  247 

Carnesecclii,  Pietro,  48,  49,  51,  59, 
66,  223,  232,  235,  249,  251,  263- 
300 

Caro,  Annibale,  242 

Carpentras,  26-29,  38 

Casale,  Monferrato,  196 

Caserta,  Francesco,  77-231,  253, 
254 

Castelvestro,  Lodovico,  33,  34 

Castiglione,  Baldassare,  46 


20 


305 


306 


INDEX 


Catherine  of  Siena,  3,  8 

Ceciniano,  210,  215 

Celso,  259 

Cervini,  Cardinal,  56 

Charles  V,  Emperor,  7,  19,  21,  22, 

77,  87,  94,  102,  121,  138,  178, 

215,220,242,245,256 
Charles  IX,  King  of  France,  128 
Chiavenna,  79,  144 
Christina  of  Denmark,  90 
Cibo,  Cardinal,  61 

—  Caterina,  Duchess  of  Camerino, 
50,  51,  59-72,  266,  268,  271 

—  Giambattista,  Bishop  of  Mar- 
seilles, 62 

Clement  VII,  Pope,  9,  10,  19,  24, 
29,  50,  60,  61,  63,  65,  85,  91,  137, 
220,  224,  264,  265,  266 

Colle,  210 

Colonna,  Ascanio,  49 

—  Fabrizio,  243 

—  Isabella,  241 

—  Vespasiano,  223 

—  Vittoria,  Maxchesa  di  Pescara, 
26,  39-44,  45,  49,  53-57,  62,  65, 
67,  106,  107,  138,  223,  234,  237, 
244  ;  death  of,  266,  270,  271, 
299 

Columbus,  Christopher,  4 
Consigliere,  Paolo,  14 
Contarini,  Gasparo,  14,  15,  16,  18- 
23,  35,  53,  76,  77,  137,  138,  299 
Copernicus,  5 
Cordier,  Mathurin,  98,  101 
Cortese,  Gregorio,    16,  20 

—  Paolo,  Cardinal,  31 

Cosimo,  Duke  of  Florence,    121, 

2y2,  295,  296 
Coverdale,  Mark,  81 
Cranmer,  Archbishop,  80,  81 
Cuiione,  Agostino,  203,  204 

—  Angela,  203,  204 

—  Celio  Secimdo,  78,  108,  110, 
154,  168,  177,  186, 189, 190,  191, 
193-206,  238 

—  Dorothea,  205 

—  Horatio,  202 

—  Leo,  205 

—  Violante,  202 

Cusano,  rienedetto,  75,  76,  77 

Eboli,  265,  268,  283 

Edward  VI,  King  of  England,  80, 

1 
Elizabeth,   Queen,   82,    127,    133, 

140,  201 
Erasmus,  7,  27,  97,  98,  99,  194 


Este,  Alfonso  I,  Duke  of  Ferrara, 
86,  87,  94 

—  Alfonso  II,  son  of  Renee,  90, 
109, 118, 119, 121,  122,  123,  125, 
131,  132,  149 

—  Anna  d',  daughter  of  Ilen^e, 

89,  107,  109,  111,  126,  129,  132, 
152,  153,  158,  188 

—  Ercole  II,  husband  of  Ren6e, 
85,  86,  89,  91,  94,  95,  104,  106, 
108, 109,  110,  HI,  113,  115, 117, 
118,  119,  120,  121;  death  of, 
122 

—  Federico,  244 

—  Ippolito  d' ,  Cardinal,  90 

—  Isabella  d',  85,  107,  244,  268; 
deatli  of,  108 

—  Leonora  d',  109,  128,  133 

—  Lucrezia,  daughter  of  Ren^e, 
95,  106,  109,  122,  123 

—  Luigi  d',  108,  109,  121,  126 
Estienne,  Henri,  277 

—  Robert,  277,  278 

Fagius,  81 

Fannio  da  Faenza,  112,  113,  161, 

162,  169 
Farel,  Guillaume,  104 
Fames e,  Alessandro.     See 

Paul  III 
Federico,  Duke  of  Mantua,  196 
Ferdinand  of  Himgary,  21,29,121, 

178,215 
Ferrar,  Nicholas,  232 
Ferrara,  78,  79,  85-125,  126,  130, 

133,  148-166,  171,  187,  199,  299 
Filonardi,  Ennio,  Bishop  of  Ve- 

roli,  207,  208,  209,  210 
Firenzuola,  Agnolo,  65 
Flaminio,  Marcantonio,  poet,  15, 

25,  36,  46,  47,  48,  49,  51,  65,  76, 

110,    136,    163,   211,   223,   235, 

237,  264,  269,  272,  296  ;   death 

of,  277 
Florence,  3,  51,  53,  54,  59,  60,  65, 

73,  78,  122,  123,  125,  210,  263, 

264,  267,   268,  271,  294,    295, 

299 
Fondi,  49,  223,  224,  230,  242 
Fracastoro,  Girolamo,  57,  259 
Fran9ois  I,  King  of  France,  20,  85, 

90,  91,  92,  96,  100,  101,  105, 108, 
HI,  115,  123,  126,  140,  244, 
276  ;  death  of,  128 

Francois  II,  King  of  France,  127 
Frederic,  Elector  of  Saxony,  135, 
136,  185 


INDEX 


307 


Fregoso,      Federigo      (Cardinal), 
Bishop  of  Gubbio,  1 6,  20,  76,  1 38 
Fuggers,  167 

Gadaldino,  Antonio,  33 
Galeoto,    Maria,    Archbishop    of 

Sorrento,  281,  293 
Galileo,  5 
Geneva,  56,  79,  98,  102,  104,  105, 

120,  121,  256,  258-262 
Genoa,  78 
Ghislieri,     Michele.      See      Pope 

Pius  V 
Giberti,  Gian  Matteo,  Bishop  of 

Verona,  Cardinal,  9,  14,  16,  20, 

24.  25,  40,  52,  57,  66,  268,  271 
Giovenale,  Latino,  14 
Giraldi,  Lilio,  1  53 
Gonzaga,  Ercole,    Cardinal,    106, 

140,  143,  249,  291 

—  Ferrante,  243 

—  Giulia,  48,  49,  51,  58,  62,  66, 
223-251,  255,  270,  280,  282, 
286,  287-296,  299 

—  Ippolita,  243,  248,  249 

—  Isabella,  224,  241 

—  Leonora,  140 

—  Lodovico,  223,  241,  243 

—  Luigi  (Rodomonte),  224,  241 

—  Vespasiano  Colonna,  224,  241, 
243,  246,  247,  248,  250,  251 

Gregory  VII,  Pope,  7 

Grisone,  Antonio,  244 

Gritti,  Andrea,  Doge  of  Venice,  91 

Grunthler,   Andrew   (husband   of 

Olympia  Morata),  162,  163,  164, 

166,  167,  169, 181,  184, 185,  186, 

187,  190,  191 
Guarini,  Battista,  194 
Guidobaldo,  Duke  of  Urbino,  63, 

64 
Guise,  Due  de,  121,  128,  129 

Heidelberg,  121, 145, 146, 147, 186, 

189,  190,  191 
Henri  II,  King  of  France,  111,113, 

115,  119,  155,158,276,278 
Henry  VIII,  King  of  England,  27, 

28,  36-39,  97,  268  ;    death  of, 

244 
Herbert,  George,  232,  233 
Hooper,  Bishop,  81 
Huss,  John,  1 

Iimocent  VIII,  Pope,  60 

Innsbriick,  167 

Interim  (of  Leipzig,  1548),  165 


Ischia,  246 
Ivrea,  195 

Jewel,  Bishop,  82 

Julius  II.  Pope,  10,  112,  129 

Julius  III,  278,  279 

Lampridio,  Benedetto,  208,  209 

Lascari,  Constantino,  18 

Latimer,  Bishop,  81 

Lausanne,  199,  203 

Leo  X.,  Pope,  13,26,  60,65 

Liege,  25 

Lollio,  Albert,  88,  149 

London,  80 

Lorraine,   Frangois   de,   Duke   of 

Guise,  HI,  158 
Louis  XII,  King  of  France,  85,  91, 

129,  132 
Loyola,  Ignatius,  113 
Lucca,  77,  78,  154,  155,  198,  199, 

202,  213,  214,  259,268 
Luther,  Martin,  1 ,  4,  10,  16,  17,  97, 

136,    137,    138,    146,    177,    194, 

197,  254,  272 
Lyons,  104 

Majoragio,  Marcantonio,  215 
Manrique,  Garzia,  223,  228,  270 
Manrique,  Tomaso,  295 
Marcello  II,  Pope,  279 
Maresio,  Giulio,  298 
Mantua,  138,  141,  196,268 
Margherita  Paleologa,  196,  244 
Marot,  Clement,  88,  91,  92,  93,  94, 

95,  96,  101,  104,  105 

—  Jean,  94  ^ 
-Martyr,     Peter     (Pietro     Martii-e  X 

Vermigli),  51 ,  58,  59,  73-82,  1 10,      ' 
135,187,202,223,231,253,270 
Mary  of  England,  39,  81,  187 
Mavu-o  of  Arcano,  208 
Maximilian  II,  Emperor,  200 
Medici,  Catherine  dei,   105,   126, 
127,  132,  264,  377 

—  IppoHto,  Cardinal,  224,  225 

—  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  264 
Melanchthon,  Philip,   10,  33,  43, 

96,  97,  194,  201 

Milan,  28,  79,  90,  144,  171,  194 
Minadois,  Germano,  231 
Modena,  26,  28-34,  126 
Montargis,  City  of,  127,  129-135 
Morata,  Lucrezia,  171 

—  Olympia,  103,  107,  111,  113, 
121,  145,  146,  147-192,  193, 
199 


308 


INDEX 


Morata,  Vittoria,  187 
Morato,  Emilio,  160,  166, 169,  174, 
182,  183,  188;   death  of,  191 

—  Fulvio  Peregrino,  103,  108,  148, 
149,  152,  154,  197,  198;  death 
of,  1  57 

Moravia,  82,  83 

Morone,  Giovanni, Cardinai, 2 6,  29- 

33,  80,  281,  289,  291,  292,  296 
Musiirus,  Marco,  18 

Naples,  42,  47,  75,  76,  77,  94,  102, 
153, 214,  219-230,  237-250,  268, 
269,  294,  295 
Navagero,  Andrea,  18 
Navarre,  Henri  of,  133,  134 

—  Jeanne  d'Albret  of,  128,  130; 
death  of,  133 

—  Marguerite  of,  20,  85,  93,  96, 
128,  133,  135,  138,  139,  140, 
277,  278 

Nemours,  Due  de,  131,  134 
Noyon,  97,  98,  99,  104 

^Ochino,   Bernardino,   30,   41,   42, 
/         50-57,  67-72,  73,79,  80,  82,  83, 

84,  106,  110,  187,  223,  225,  249, 

257,  266 
Oratory  of  Divine  Love,  12-30 
Origen,  47 

Orleans,  99,  126,  127,  129,  134 
Orsini,  Paolo,  155 
Ory,  Mathieu,  115,  116,  117 
Oxford,  80,  81,  233 

Padua,  9,  18,  25,  29,  36,  37,  46,  74, 

136,  137,  208,  209 
Paleario,  Aonio,  28,  51,  205,  207- 

218,  270 

—  Marietta,  210,  211,  216,  217 
Paris,  86,  92,  99,  101,   102,   119, 

130, 132, 134,  138,  139,  275-279 
Parisio,  Cardinal,  29 
Parthenay,   Anne  de   (later   "  de 

Pons"),  89,  102,  108 

—  Lusignan  de,  89 

Paul  III,  Pope,  16,  20-23,  39,  51, 
64,  76,  94,  108,  109,  110,  lil, 
112,  120,  137,  138,  143,  144, 152, 
211,213,244,274,275-282 

Paul  IV,  Pope.     See  Caraffa 

Pavia,  196 

Pelletario,  Jesuit  priest,  117 

Perugia,  208 

Pescara,  Ferrante  d' A  vales,  Mar- 
chesedi,  29 


Pescara,  Marchesa  di.  SeeColonna, 

Vittoria 
Philip  II  of  Spain,  121,   122,  215, 

242,  243,  246,  247,  279,  280,  295 
Piccolomini,  Alfonso,  237 
Pico  della  Mirandola,  3,  6 
Pisa,  78,  202,  214 
Pius  II  (Piccolomini)  Pope,  8 
Pius  III,  237 

Pius  IV,  Pope,  32,  123,  292,  295 
Pius  V,  Pope  (Ghislieri),  215,  250, 

251,  286,  295,  296,  300 
Plato,  28 

Poissy,  Colloquy  of,  82 
Poland,  82,  205 
Pole,  Reginald  (Cardinal),  9,  14, 

15,  20,  25,  29,  35-39,  45,  49, 

50,  54-58,  66,  76,  138,  237,  268, 

271,  272,  281 
Pons,  Antoine  de,  89,  91,  102,  108 
Porto,  Francesco,  110,  121 
PriuU,  Luigi,  15,  38,  49,  249,  277 

St.  Quentin,  Battle  of  (1557),  121 

Ragnone,  Lattanzio,  273,  278 

Rangone,  Giulia,  156 

—  Helena,  171,  223 

Ratisbon,  Diet  of,  21,  35 

Ren6e    of    France,    Duchess    of 

Ferrara,  79 ;  at  Ferrara,  85-125 ; 

in  France,  126-135  ;    139,  147, 

162,  267 
Ricci,  Paolo,  30 
Ridley,  Bishop,  81 
Rome,  15,  16,  19,  41,  45,  46,  47, 

50,  52,  53,  57,  61,  64,  94,  110, 

120,  121,  123,  144,  154,  195,  209, 

210,  211,  215,  216,  217,  220,  268, 

274,  276,  283,  289,  300 
Rovere,  Lavinia  della,   155,   160, 

162,   164,    166,   169,    171,    182, 

188 
Rullo,  Donato,  231,  271,  272 

Sabioneta,  224,  246,  247 
Sadoleto,   Jacopo,    Cardinal,    14, 

26-29,  39,  212,  214 
Sanseverino,  Ferrante,  Prince  of 

Salerno,  214 
Savonarola,  Girolamo,  36 
Saxony,  Maurice,  Elector  of,  178, 

182 
Schweinfurt,  162,   169,  170,   174, 

179-185,  187 
Serdonati,  historian,  65 


INDEX 


309 


Seripando,   Girolamo,   Bishop    of 

Salerno    (Cardinal),    249,    292, 

293,  294 
Sforza,  Francesco,  90 
Siena,  41,  208,  209,  210,  212,  237 
Sinapius,  Johann,  103,  108,  149, 

154,    162,    163,    166,    169,    174, 

185    187 

—  Kilian,  103,  108,  110,  149,  154, 
162,  163 

—  Theodora,  174,  187,  188 
Soranzio  of  Bergamo,  281 
Soubise,  Carlotta  de,  89 

—  Madame  de,  88,  89,  91,  94, 
95,  102 

—  Renata  de,  89 
Spadaforo,  Bartolomeo,  281,  289 
Sperlonga,  224 

Spiera,  Francesco,  143,  144 
Spires,  Diet  of,  29 
Spoleto,  75 
Strasburg,  79,  82 
Snleyman  II,  224 

Tancredi,  Onorata,  223 

Tansillo,  Liiigi,  242,  248,  249 

Tasso,  Bernardo,  88,  90,  95,  229, 
251 

Terenziano,  Giulio,  52 

Throckmorton,  N.,  EngHsh  Am- 
bassador, 127 

Tillet,  Louis  de,  102 

Titian,  90,  242 

Toledo,  Don  Pietro,  Viceroy  of 
Naples,  76,219,244,245 

Trent,  167 

Trent,  Council  of,  28,  29,  32,  167 

Tiibingen,  145 

Urbino,  Duke  of,  Francesco  Maria, 
133 


Vald6s,  Alfonso,  219,  220 

—  Juan  de,  219-238,  241,  254, 
255,  265,  267,  269,  270,  271, 
287,  299 

Valentino,  Bonifaccio,  33 

—  Fihppo,  33 

Varano,  Giovanni,  Duke  of  Came- 
rino,  60 

—  Giulia,  daughter  of  Caterina 
Cibo,  61,  62,  63,  64 

—  Matteo,  03,  64 
Vassy,  128 

Venice,  47,  48,  52,  75,  89,  90,  91, 
96,  125,  137,  197,  258,  260,  272, 
273,  283,  295 
Verdura,  Bishop  of,  281 
Vermigli,  Gemma  Felicita,  74 

—  Pietro  Martire.  See  Maxtyr, 
Peter 

Veroli,  207 

Verona,  9,  25,  40,  52,  258 
Vettori,  Piero,  210 
Vicenza,  149 
Vicosoprano,  144 
Vienna,  200 
Villari,  4 

Virgilio,  Marcello,  74 
Viterbo,  26,  45,  49,  56,  138,  212, 
241,  271 


Wittenberg,  5,  97,  136,  137,  145 
Wolsey,  Cardinal,  37 
Wiirtzburg,  169 


Zacharias,  Pope,  4 

Zanchi,    Girolamo    of    Bergamo, 

202 
Zurich,  79,  82,  104,  199,  239 
Zwingle,  10 


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